Shqip\u00ebria ka ndryshuar ndjesh\u00ebm gjat\u00eb 36 viteve t\u00eb pluralizmit, por shum\u00eb nga problemet themelore t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb saj kan\u00eb mbetur thuajse t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta me ato t\u00eb viteve t\u00eb para pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb diktatur\u00ebs. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga tezat kryesore t\u00eb gazetarit dhe botuesit Mero Baze gjat\u00eb bashk\u00ebbisedimit n\u00eb Apostrof Podcast me Bjorn Run\u00ebn, ku ai analizon korrupsionin, Reform\u00ebn n\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsi, pushtetin e kryeministrit Edi Rama, protestat e fundit, partit\u00eb politike dhe sfidat e decentralizimit t\u00eb pushtetit lokal nga ai qendror.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr Bazen, problemi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht tek fakti se politika nuk ndryshon \u2013 n\u00eb fakt ai thekson se politika n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi priret t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebris\u00eb vetveten \u2013 por shqet\u00ebsuese \u00ebsht\u00eb se kultura politike shqiptare vazhdon t\u00eb riprodhoj\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat mekanizma q\u00eb n\u00eb fund e kapin at\u00eb.\u00a0\u201cPolitika \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj tradite, e cila nuk ndryshon n\u00eb thelbin e saj. Ajo p\u00ebrs\u00ebrit vetveten, p\u00ebrs\u00ebrit t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat skema elektorale, t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat teza politike. Ndryshojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm aktor\u00ebt politik\u00eb\u201d,<\/em>\u00a0thot\u00eb ai.<\/p>\n M\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuesi prej tyre, thot\u00eb Baze,\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb korrupsioni, t\u00eb cilit duket se asnj\u00eb prej qeverive t\u00eb tranzicionit nuk i ka shp\u00ebtuar dot. Pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu dhe tek Reforma n\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsi ndalet edhe nj\u00eb nga segmentet kryesore t\u00eb intervist\u00ebs.\u00a0Baze e konsideron SPAK-un \u201cheroin e vet\u00ebm t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb betej\u00ebs kund\u00ebr korrupsionit\u201d,<\/em>\u00a0por nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht e kritikon ashp\u00ebr p\u00ebr metodat q\u00eb, sipas tij, jan\u00eb joprofesionale dhe represive. Ai argumenton se problemi i drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb re nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se kontrollohet domosdoshm\u00ebrisht nga politika, por se po merr vet\u00eb nj\u00eb rol politik:\u00a0\u201cDrejt\u00ebsia po prodhon m\u00eb shum\u00eb politik\u00eb tani sesa e prodhon politika.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n Edhe p\u00ebr fuqin\u00eb e Kryeministrit Edi Rama, Baze sheh nj\u00eb problem m\u00eb t\u00eb madh se vet\u00eb individi. Sipas tij, aty kombinohet aft\u00ebsia personale p\u00ebr t\u00eb grumbulluar pushtet me nj\u00eb centralizim institucional q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet shum\u00eb i rreziksh\u00ebm n\u00eb duart e nj\u00eb pasardh\u00ebsi.\u00a0\u201cProblemi q\u00eb ka Rama \u00ebsht\u00eb se ka grumbulluar pushtet p\u00ebr leht\u00ebsi qeverisjeje, por p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb ik\u00eb duhet ta zhb\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pushtet. Duhet ta zhb\u00ebj\u00eb vet\u00eb me duart e veta\u201d,<\/em>\u00a0thot\u00eb ai.<\/p>\n N\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e protestave t\u00eb fundit, Baze b\u00ebn nj\u00eb ndarje t\u00eb prer\u00eb mes faz\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb qytetare dhe asaj q\u00eb erdhi m\u00eb pas.\u00a0\u201cProtesta ka zgjatur vet\u00ebm dhjet\u00eb dit\u00eb. Kjo pjesa tjet\u00ebr nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb protest\u00eb\u201d,<\/em>\u00a0shprehet ai, duke argumentuar se reagimi spontan i fillimit humbi mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb prodhuar nj\u00eb elit\u00eb t\u00eb re aktivizmi dhe u z\u00ebvend\u00ebsua nga rivalitete t\u00eb brendshme, gjuha lin\u00e7uese dhe p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsim politik.<\/p>\n N\u00eb fund, pyetjes n\u00ebse sheh sot nj\u00eb figur\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb Edi Ram\u00ebn si kryeminist\u00ebr, Baze i p\u00ebrgjigjet se nuk ka nj\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm n\u00eb horizont, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht brenda Partis\u00eb Socialiste. Por, sipas tij, historia shqiptare ka treguar se kryeministrat mund t\u00eb prodhohen shum\u00eb shpejt nga rrethanat politike.\u00a0\u201cKryeministri i nj\u00eb vendi, n\u00eb vende si Shqip\u00ebria, prodhohet p\u00ebr nj\u00ebzet e kat\u00ebr or\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb dal\u00eb shum\u00eb i mir\u00eb, mund t\u00eb dal\u00eb shum\u00eb i keq, por nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me aft\u00ebsit\u00eb e tij, se k\u00ebtu p\u00ebrve\u00e7 Fatos Nanos, Sali Berish\u00ebs, Edi Ram\u00ebs edhe Ilir Met\u00ebs, q\u00eb e kan\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar at\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb, t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt kan\u00eb marr\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb s\u2019kan\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar\u201d<\/em>, thot\u00eb ai.<\/p>\n TRANSKRIPTI I PLOT\u00cb<\/strong><\/p>\n Bjorn Runa:\u00a0Ju shkruani prej m\u00eb shum\u00eb se tridhjet\u00eb vitesh p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe dua ta filloj pak m\u00eb thjesht. Kur shihni politik\u00ebn shqiptare sot, a ka ndryshuar realisht ndonj\u00eb gj\u00eb n\u00eb tridhjet\u00eb e pes\u00eb vite?<\/p>\n Mero Baze:<\/strong>\u00a0Ekziston nj\u00eb lloj obsesioni p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar te politika faza t\u00eb ndryshme reformimi, apo faza tranzitore, apo faza kthese n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Politika \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj tradite, e cila nuk ndryshon n\u00eb thelbin e saj. Ajo p\u00ebrs\u00ebrit vetveten, p\u00ebrs\u00ebrit t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat skema elektorale, t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat teza politike. Ndryshojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm aktor\u00ebt politik\u00eb, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tragjedi n\u00ebse thuash q\u00eb politika nuk ka ndryshuar. Nuk ndryshon politika, k\u00ebshtu ka qen\u00eb nj\u00ebqind vjet. K\u00ebshtu \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe politika e viteve \u201920 n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, k\u00ebshtu \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe politika e viteve \u201930. Ndryshon politika gjat\u00eb komunizmit, se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb politik\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb sistem, \u00ebsht\u00eb regjim. Por sistemet e hapura kan\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat probleme, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb themi tani q\u00eb, gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre tridhjet\u00eb e gjasht\u00eb viteve t\u00eb pluralizmit politik n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, \u00ebsht\u00eb tragjedi se politika \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj. Nj\u00ebsoj do t\u00eb jet\u00eb politika. Ndoshta \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj sesa t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj. Ajo q\u00eb ka ndryshuar gjat\u00eb tridhjet\u00eb e gjasht\u00eb viteve natyrisht \u00ebsht\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria, \u00ebsht\u00eb shoq\u00ebria shqiptare, jan\u00eb politikan\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb, q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm, nuk jan\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebt, edhe pse disa prej tyre jan\u00eb shum\u00eb rezistent\u00eb. Dhe ky \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi rregull i politik\u00ebs n\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn: ndryshon elita, ndryshojn\u00eb garniturat politike t\u00eb nj\u00eb partie, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, ndryshojn\u00eb qeverit\u00eb dhe ne kemi disa faza t\u00eb zhvillimit politik t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre tridhjet\u00eb e gjasht\u00eb viteve. Kemi periudh\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb qeverisjes s\u00eb Partis\u00eb Demokratike, e cila ishte, si t\u00eb thuash, nj\u00eb forc\u00eb entuziaste q\u00eb lindi pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb komunizmit dhe p\u00ebrfundoi brenda pes\u00eb viteve n\u00eb nj\u00eb katastrof\u00eb komb\u00ebtare, duke shkaktuar trazira mbar\u00ebkomb\u00ebtare, destabilizim t\u00eb vendit dhe humbje t\u00eb sovranitetit t\u00eb vendit. Ne, prej 24 marsit \u201997 deri m\u00eb 24 korrik t\u00eb \u201997-s, kemi qen\u00eb t\u00eb qeverisur n\u00ebn flamurin e OKB-s\u00eb, nga forca nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Pra kemi humbur sovranitetin e vendit p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb trazirave politike. Kemi periudh\u00ebn e stabilizimit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb shqiptare q\u00eb fillon pas vitit \u201997 me qeverisjet e majta, t\u00eb cilat kishin nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb t\u00eb konsoliduar kushtetuese n\u00eb Kuvend, q\u00eb, me th\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn, nuk e p\u00ebrdor\u00ebn as n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e duhur dhe as p\u00ebr ndonj\u00eb progres t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 stabilizimit t\u00eb vendit. Dhe kemi rikthimin e Partis\u00eb Demokratike n\u00eb vitin 2005, e cila erdhi me nj\u00eb mentalitet t\u00eb ri n\u00eb pushtet, por shum\u00eb shpejt, brenda dy viteve, pushteti p\u00ebrs\u00ebri u kap nga familja e kryeministrit, nga nj\u00eb rreth i ngusht\u00eb njer\u00ebzish dhe p\u00ebrfundoi p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb nj\u00eb regjim t\u00eb korruptuar. Riardhja e s\u00eb majt\u00ebs n\u00eb vitin 2013 i dha nj\u00eb hap p\u00ebrpara progresiv Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe e b\u00ebri Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb m\u00eb moderne, m\u00eb urbane, por e humbi, nj\u00ebsoj si gjith\u00eb qeverit\u00eb e tjera, betej\u00ebn me korrupsionin. E humbi betej\u00ebn me krijimin e nj\u00eb administrate moderne, per\u00ebndimore, n\u00eb kuptimin e logjik\u00ebs s\u00eb funksionimit. Si t\u00eb thuash, ngeli n\u00eb at\u00eb batakun e nj\u00eb administrate t\u00eb korruptuar, larg qytetar\u00ebve, larg sh\u00ebrbimeve, pavar\u00ebsisht hapave q\u00eb b\u00ebn n\u00eb aspektin e avancimit drejt Bashkimit Evropian, n\u00eb progresin formal drejt BE-s\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb zhvillim t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm t\u00eb vendit dhe t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb. Ekonomia shqiptare kurr\u00eb s\u2019ka qen\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb sesa n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb, por duket q\u00eb s\u00ebmundjet bazike t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare nuk i ka zhdukur dot askush. Korrupsioni, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb s\u00ebmundje otomane n\u00eb mentalitetin e administrat\u00ebs shqiptare, askush nuk ka mundur ta fitoj\u00eb dot at\u00eb betej\u00eb. Edi Rama p\u00ebrpiqet ta fitoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb betej\u00eb me teknologji. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb hap p\u00ebrpara, por p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb thelbin e administrat\u00ebs q\u00ebndron formimi profesional i atij q\u00eb i sh\u00ebrben qytetarit dhe ai formim \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebri otoman, \u00ebsht\u00eb jo per\u00ebndimor. \u00cbsht\u00eb totalisht n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet gjithmon\u00eb ta kap\u00eb qytetarin dhe jo t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb qytetarit. N\u00eb qoft\u00eb se qytetari ka nj\u00eb hall, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb hall n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb me administrat\u00ebn, pastaj me hallin e vet.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0\u00c7far\u00eb e b\u00ebn kaq t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, k\u00ebt\u00eb betej\u00eb me korrupsionin? Ose ndoshta jo eliminimin e plot\u00eb, mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb shum\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb ose e pamundur, por pse t\u00eb gjitha qeverit\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto tridhjet\u00eb e gjasht\u00eb vite e kan\u00eb humbur k\u00ebt\u00eb betej\u00eb dhe, si\u00e7 e that\u00eb edhe ju, n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb caktuar jan\u00eb kapur nga sistemi, jan\u00eb kapur nga korrupsioni?<\/p>\n M.B.:<\/strong>\u00a0Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se ka dikush ndonj\u00eb recet\u00eb se si mund ta zhduk\u00eb korrupsionin e administrat\u00ebs shqiptare. Un\u00eb mendoj se problemi i par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kultura politike e vendit. Kultura politike e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, e bazuar te bakshishi, te nderi, te klani, te familja, te t\u00eb af\u00ebrmit, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kultur\u00eb shum\u00eb lindore, me th\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn, dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se komunizmi ka arritur ta zhduk\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kultur\u00eb. N\u00eb komuniz\u00ebm, po t\u00eb vidhje, d\u00ebnoheshe r\u00ebnd\u00eb. D\u00ebnoheshe sikur t\u00eb kishe b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb krim t\u00eb madh kund\u00ebr shtetit. Por t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vidhnin edhe n\u00eb komuniz\u00ebm. Duket banale ta thuash tani, po kush punonte n\u00eb fabrik\u00ebn e letr\u00ebs vidhte let\u00ebr, kush punonte n\u00eb fabrik\u00ebn e pulave vidhte pula, kush punonte te kushinetat vidhte kushineta. Kultura e vjedhjes s\u00eb vog\u00ebl ka ekzistuar n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare. Kjo nuk justifikon korrupsionin e madh dhe korrupsionin e tanish\u00ebm t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs, por \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj argumenti p\u00ebr kultur\u00ebn politike t\u00eb korrupsionit q\u00eb ekziston n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb. Ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb dhe q\u00eb shoq\u00ebria nuk duhet ta g\u00eblltis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb korrupsioni i madh, korrupsioni n\u00eb nivelet e larta. Korrupsioni n\u00eb nivelet e larta \u00ebsht\u00eb ai katalizatori q\u00eb mban gjall\u00eb korrupsionin e administrat\u00ebs posht\u00eb. Nuk do t\u00eb thosha q\u00eb po t\u00eb mos vidhnin ata lart, nuk do t\u00eb vidhnin k\u00ebta posht\u00eb. Ata prap\u00eb do vidhnin posht\u00eb, por d\u00ebmi i tyre n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i vog\u00ebl. D\u00ebmi m\u00eb i madh q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebta posht\u00eb q\u00eb vjedhin \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb vjedhin qytetarin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb direkte dhe nuk japin sh\u00ebrbime. Kurse d\u00ebmi q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebt e lart\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb korrupsion \u00ebsht\u00eb se ata b\u00ebhen model p\u00ebr vart\u00ebsit e tyre dhe, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se vart\u00ebsi ndan lek\u00ebt me drejtorin, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se drejtori ndan lek\u00ebt me ministrin, historia pastaj \u00ebsht\u00eb: b\u00ebj \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb duash, nuk e lufton dot korrupsionin. Ai shkon n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem q\u00eb e kap edhe sikur t\u00eb jet\u00eb i ndersh\u00ebm. Ai futet n\u00eb nj\u00eb pun\u00eb ku i thon\u00eb: duhen kaq lek\u00eb n\u00eb fund t\u00eb muajit. Dhe kjo gj\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb luftuar n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. E vetmja betej\u00eb reale kund\u00ebr tyre, por jo profesionale, \u00ebsht\u00eb beteja e SPAK-ut. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, SPAK-u \u00ebsht\u00eb heroi i vet\u00ebm i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i betej\u00ebs kund\u00ebr korrupsionit n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, por me metoda po aq t\u00eb padrejta dhe joprofesionale sa \u00e7do gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Nuk them q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i korruptuar, por \u00ebsht\u00eb aq i paaft\u00eb dhe i pazoti p\u00ebr ta luftuar korrupsionin me mjetet ligjore, sa krijon nj\u00eb klim\u00eb tjet\u00ebr represioni, e cila u jep shkas shum\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebve t\u00eb korruptuar t\u00eb ankohen si t\u00eb persekutuar dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se nuk kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb rast. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se nuk funksionon logjika e tyre. Demokracia p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb shkak \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak se ti do ta luftosh korrupsionin me mjete ligjore, por me mjete ligjore ka nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar se si luftohet. E kemi nd\u00ebrruar at\u00eb sistem dhe, nj\u00ebsoj si\u00e7 vuan shoq\u00ebria nga sindromat e vjetra t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, ashtu vuan edhe drejt\u00ebsia nga sindromat e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb vjet\u00ebr. Drejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr kam parasysh drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb e koh\u00ebs s\u00eb komunizmit. Nuk kam parasysh q\u00eb kjo drejt\u00ebsia e korruptuar e para disa viteve ka qen\u00eb m\u00eb e mir\u00eb se kjo drejt\u00ebsia e tanishme. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb represive dhe e paaft\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebsuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb hapur t\u00eb kap\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebt e korruptuar. Sajon gj\u00ebra, i kap dhe vet\u00eb e di q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i korruptuar. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb dim\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i korruptuar. Problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb duhet ta provosh q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i korruptuar, se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb beteja e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb moderne per\u00ebndimore n\u00eb raport me drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb e regjimeve. Regjimet t\u00eb caktonin q\u00eb je i korruptuar. Mund t\u00eb ishe edhe i korruptuar dhe mund t\u00eb mos ishe. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ky problemi. Dhe kjo gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb betej\u00eb e humbur n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt nga drejt\u00ebsia e re nuk marrin sh\u00ebrbime. Ata jan\u00eb po aq t\u00eb pambrojtur sa jan\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb administrat\u00ebs.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0Mos ndoshta, duke qen\u00eb se u mb\u00ebshtet edhe nga nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt Reforma n\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsi dhe krijimi i institucioneve t\u00eb saj, krijimi i nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsie speciale ose drejt\u00ebsie t\u00eb posa\u00e7me ka qen\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim i synuar si di\u00e7ka politike p\u00ebr t\u00eb eliminuar nj\u00eb klas\u00eb politikan\u00ebsh?<\/p>\n M.B.:<\/strong>\u00a0K\u00ebt\u00eb duhet ta pranojm\u00eb pa hezitim, q\u00eb nj\u00eb nga objektivat themelore t\u00eb Reform\u00ebs n\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsi ka qen\u00eb pand\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebria. Pand\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb objektiv politik, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb objektiv profesional. Se \u00e7\u2019do t\u00eb thot\u00eb pand\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebri? Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, paska mbetur ca pa d\u00ebnuar, hajde t\u2019i d\u00ebnojm\u00eb. Ajo t\u00eb \u00e7on te nj\u00eb list\u00eb n\u00eb finale, por, n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre, k\u00ebt\u00eb e pranon edhe gjith\u00eb shoq\u00ebria, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe gjith\u00eb politik\u00ebn, q\u00eb ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb pak bajate puna q\u00eb askush nuk d\u00ebnohej. Dhe ky ka qen\u00eb objektiv politik, por Reforma n\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsi nuk u b\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb. Q\u00ebllimi kryesor ishte q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebnim nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb pakorruptuar dhe m\u00eb profesionale. Nuk e kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb as m\u00eb profesionale, as m\u00eb pak t\u00eb korruptuar. Dhe ky \u00ebsht\u00eb problem shum\u00eb i madh. Problemi i objektivit politik t\u00eb Reform\u00ebs n\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsi, i lidhur pastaj me nj\u00eb var\u00ebsi shum\u00eb direkte t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb re nga Bashkimi Evropian dhe Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs, e kaloi drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb shqiptare nga var\u00ebsia politike q\u00eb kishte n\u00eb vend n\u00eb nj\u00eb var\u00ebsi burokratike nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Se, po t\u00eb ishte edhe var\u00ebsi politike nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ia kisha b\u00ebr\u00eb hallall. N\u00eb qoft\u00eb se drejt\u00ebsia shqiptare varej nga Presidenti i SHBA-s\u00eb apo nga kryetari i Komisionit Evropian, e b\u00ebja hallall. Por n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se drejt\u00ebsia shqiptare varet nga nj\u00eb n\u00ebpun\u00ebs burokrat i OPDAT-it apo dikush q\u00eb i mbik\u00ebqyr ata dhe ai krijon preferenca personale dhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri thot\u00eb: ky Merua duhet t\u00eb futet n\u00eb burg se s\u2019m\u00eb p\u00eblqen, \u00ebsht\u00eb i gjat\u00eb dhe tjetri \u00ebsht\u00eb i shkurt\u00ebr dhe duhet t\u00eb futet n\u00eb burg, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb problem. Kalojm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb autokraci, kalojm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem ku njer\u00ebzit, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pozicionit q\u00eb kan\u00eb, p\u00ebr arsye krejt burokratike administrative, kthehen n\u00eb tutor\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e rrezikshme sesa drejt\u00ebsia q\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb lloj droje nga establishmenti politik i vendit. Se, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, establishmenti politik i vendit \u00ebsht\u00eb i votuar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gj\u00eb dhe, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se nuk e d\u00ebnon ti, e d\u00ebnon populli pas kat\u00ebr vitesh ose pas dy vitesh. Kurse kjo q\u00eb ti e th\u00ebrret Prokurorin e P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm n\u00eb takim dhe t\u00eb thot\u00eb: \u201cJo, fola me Ambasad\u00ebn Amerikane, nuk do vij\u201d, apo n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se ti i thua \u201cDo vish t\u00eb jap\u00ebsh raport\u201d, ai, p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb t\u00eb thot\u00eb jo, ankohet n\u00eb instanca t\u00eb tjera jasht\u00eb vendit, \u00ebsht\u00eb pak qesharake si formim. Do t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb burr\u00ebrore t\u00eb thoshte: \u201cUn\u00eb kam pun\u00ebn time, s\u2019kam pun\u00eb as me nj\u00ebrin.\u201d Por n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se ai quan zot nj\u00eb burokrat per\u00ebndimor dhe nuk pranon t\u2019i jap\u00eb llogari p\u00ebrpara institucioneve t\u00eb vendit, jemi futur n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem qesharak. Nuk do t\u00eb thosha as t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm, \u00ebsht\u00eb qesharak. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb q\u00eb ti nuk di si t\u00eb sillesh m\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb produkt q\u00eb ke.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0N\u00eb lidhje me ashp\u00ebrsin\u00eb ose me masat e paraburgimit nga drejt\u00ebsia e re, e kuptoj q\u00eb nga ana ligjore dhe nga ana institucionale shpesh jan\u00eb t\u00eb padrejta, jan\u00eb t\u00eb gabuara ndoshta, por p\u00ebr shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz e gjith\u00eb kjo gj\u00eb mund t\u00eb duket si nj\u00eb lloj drejt\u00ebsie poetike ose si nj\u00eb lloj shpagimi. Pra, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, ata jan\u00eb p\u00ebrballur p\u00ebr tridhjet\u00eb e ca vite me nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb padrejt\u00eb dhe tani, p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, politikan\u00eb dhe njer\u00ebz t\u00eb pushtetsh\u00ebm po p\u00ebrballen edhe vet\u00eb me nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb padrejt\u00eb.<\/p>\n M.B.:<\/strong>\u00a0Armiku m\u00eb i madh i drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb drejt\u00ebsia popullore. Nuk ka ndonj\u00eb armik m\u00eb t\u00eb madh p\u00ebr \u00e7do drejt\u00ebsi profesionale n\u00eb bot\u00eb sesa drejt\u00ebsia popullore. Dhe drejt\u00ebsit\u00eb popullore i kan\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur t\u00eb gjitha regjimet diktatoriale. Drejt\u00ebsi popullore ka qen\u00eb Enver Hoxha, t\u00eb pyes\u00ebsh. Merrte kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e vet politik\u00eb, apo b\u00ebnte gjyq n\u00eb Kinema Kosova n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, dilte populli jasht\u00eb: \u201cN\u00eb litar, n\u00eb litar, n\u00eb litar!\u201d K\u00ebnaqej gjith\u00eb populli, po drejt\u00ebsi nuk ishte. Ishte krim. Dhe, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se ne do ta mb\u00ebshtesim drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb mbi opinionin publik, mbi preferenca politike, mbi p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur turmat, jo q\u00eb s\u2019kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi, por kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb krim t\u00eb ri ndaj shoq\u00ebris\u00eb dhe ndaj njer\u00ebzimit n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi. Dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb aq e r\u00ebnd\u00eb kur e mendon afatgjat\u00eb, sa do t\u2019u vij\u00eb turp edhe atyre q\u00eb thon\u00eb \u201cN\u00eb burg, n\u00eb burg\u201d, pas disa vitesh, p\u00ebr njer\u00ebz p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nuk kan\u00eb fakte. Klasa politike nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb entitet i bashkuar q\u00eb ti kap tre veta dhe i nxjerr jasht\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. Ti duhet t\u00eb d\u00ebnosh ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb krime, ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb korrupsion, po edhe atyre duhet t\u2019ua provosh. Un\u00eb personalisht, p\u00ebr shembull, jam nj\u00eb nga kritik\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb zellsh\u00ebm t\u00eb politik\u00ebs p\u00ebr tridhjet\u00eb e gjasht\u00eb vjet, me Fatos Nanon, Ilir Met\u00ebn, Edi Ram\u00ebn, Sali Berish\u00ebn. Nuk m\u00eb ka ngelur njeri pa kritikuar. Un\u00eb mendoj q\u00eb imazhin m\u00eb t\u00eb keq p\u00ebr kryeminist\u00ebr t\u00eb korruptuar e ka pasur Ilir Meta. Un\u00eb jam totalisht kund\u00ebr paraburgosjes s\u00eb Ilir Met\u00ebs. E para, paraburgosja ka standarde ligjore p\u00ebrse paraburgoset nj\u00eb njeri. Paraburgoset kur ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i rreziksh\u00ebm n\u00eb pozicionin q\u00eb ka, kur mund t\u00eb prish\u00eb prova dhe kur mund t\u00eb arratiset nga vendi. P\u00ebr fatin ton\u00eb t\u00eb keq, vet\u00eb me duart tona Ilir Met\u00ebn e kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr t\u00eb vendit, president t\u00eb vendit, kryetar Parlamenti t\u00eb vendit. Asnj\u00eb figur\u00eb tjet\u00ebr politike e tridhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebve nuk i ka pasur t\u00eb gjitha postet m\u00eb t\u00eb larta t\u00eb vendit si\u00e7 i ka pasur Ilir Meta. Pasi e kemi liruar njeriun nga k\u00ebto poste, e kemi arrestuar dhe e mbajm\u00eb dy vjet e gjysm\u00eb n\u00eb burg, n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces gjyq\u00ebsor q\u00eb akoma nuk ka asnj\u00eb akuz\u00eb bind\u00ebse q\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00eb bind\u00eb mua pse ky njeri duhej futur n\u00eb burg pa u gjykuar. Un\u00eb nuk them t\u00eb mos d\u00ebnohet Ilir Meta, po pse duhet ta paraburgos\u00ebsh ish-Presidentin e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb? Deri tani ka dal\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb kush\u00ebri i gruas ka dashur t\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb pun\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe pastaj i ka bler\u00eb ca rroba gruas s\u00eb tij. OK, d\u00ebnohet gruaja, d\u00ebnohet edhe ky n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se d\u00ebnohet, po paraburgim pse? Se paraburgimi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dhun\u00eb, e cila e destabilizon njeriun dhe i heq mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbrojtur. Se n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se ti futesh te 313-ta dhe t\u00eb d\u00ebrgojn\u00eb nj\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb avokat t\u00eb \u00e7mendur, nj\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb avokat t\u00eb zgjuar dhe ti nuk di me \u00e7\u2019t\u00eb komunikosh dhe nuk ke n\u00eb dispozicion provat, tallen prokuror\u00ebt. Thon\u00eb: provat do t\u2019i marr\u00ebsh dixhitale. Po dixhitale nuk lejohet USB-ja. Po ke USB, nuk lejohet kompjuteri. Po ke kompjuter dhe USB, vet\u00ebm n\u00eb burg se e ke p\u00ebrdorur. Pra, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tallje shum\u00eb e madhe me standardet e paraburgimit, mbi t\u00eb gjitha. Dhe k\u00ebto jan\u00eb turpe. Un\u00eb jam njeriu q\u00eb e ka kritikuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb Ilir Met\u00ebn dhe nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb e kritikoj, po nuk mund ta pranoj kurrsesi q\u00eb Ilir Meta duhet t\u00eb rrij\u00eb n\u00eb burg, n\u00eb paraburgim, pa u d\u00ebnuar. Ilir Meta gjykohet, d\u00ebnohet. Ka qen\u00eb president, kryeminist\u00ebr. As arratiset, as s\u2019ka ku t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb, as ka ca prova t\u00eb prish\u00eb. Dhe \u00e7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb kjo prokurori q\u00eb, dy vjet e gjysm\u00eb pasi e arreston, mezi i b\u00ebn nj\u00eb dosje aty? Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, ke edhe nj\u00eb prokurori t\u00eb paaft\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb prokurori q\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb llogari politike kur e ka arrestuar njeriun. Po arrestoj nj\u00eb k\u00ebtej, po arrestoj edhe nj\u00eb k\u00ebtej dhe jam n\u00eb rregull me t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt. Po u ankuan k\u00ebta, u themi: \u201cKeni arrestuar Ilir Met\u00ebn.\u201d Po u ankuan k\u00ebta t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, u themi: \u201cKam arrestuar Erion Veliajn.\u201d B\u00ebn ca ekuilibra politik\u00eb idiot\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ia ka k\u00ebrkuar njeri. Mund t\u2019i arrestoj\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb nga Partia Socialiste, s\u2019ka pse b\u00ebn at\u00eb balanc\u00eb, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se i gjen t\u00eb korruptuar. K\u00ebto jan\u00eb defekte aq t\u00eb r\u00ebnda q\u00eb vijn\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht nga mentaliteti politik q\u00eb ka drejt\u00ebsia n\u00eb shfaqjen e saj publike. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, ne jemi tani n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment q\u00eb drejt\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb politike. Jo se varet nga politikan\u00ebt, po b\u00ebn vet\u00eb politik\u00eb. Drejt\u00ebsia prodhon m\u00eb shum\u00eb politik\u00eb tani sesa e prodhon politika. Po t\u2019i v\u00ebsh re, SPAK-u dhe GJKKO-ja, q\u00eb jan\u00eb pjesa e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb speciale n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb problem m\u00eb vete q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kaq e gjat\u00eb, se edhe pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore gjyqet speciale zgjat\u00ebn tre vjet, nuk zgjasin tremb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet, ata vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrgjojn\u00eb politikisht \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh. Filloi revolucioni, dol\u00ebn flamingot. P\u00ebrse e kan\u00eb? P\u00ebr Zv\u00ebrnecin? Tak, pas kat\u00ebr dit\u00ebsh del historia e tok\u00ebs. Pse s\u2019e kan\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb m\u00eb p\u00ebrpara k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje? Do t\u00eb thot\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb politik\u00eb. Kalon pak, do kthehemi n\u00eb shtator. Okej. Prap\u00eb nj\u00eb dosje p\u00ebr nj\u00eb minist\u00ebr t\u00eb Ram\u00ebs, prap\u00eb, mbaje mend, edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb nga opozita, p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar q\u00eb: Rama n\u00eb burg, Berisha n\u00eb burg, ka argumente. Jo, ku i keni? Kthehen n\u00eb nj\u00eb violin\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillimeve politike n\u00eb vend. \u00cbsht\u00eb turp. Ata mund t\u00eb arrestojn\u00eb gjith\u00eb qeverin\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb e drejta e tyre, q\u00eb nga i pari tek i fundit, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se gjejn\u00eb problem. Ata nuk sillen si hetues dhe prokuror\u00eb. Ata sillen si p\u00ebrgjues t\u00eb politik\u00ebs dhe prodhojn\u00eb politik\u00eb vet\u00eb. B\u00ebhen z\u00ebri kryesor i zhvillimit politik. B\u00ebhen aktori kryesor politik n\u00eb vend, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ne i kemi mandatuar q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi; ata b\u00ebjn\u00eb politik\u00eb.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0Rama dhe Berisha jan\u00eb dy personazhe q\u00eb kan\u00eb dominuar m\u00eb gjat\u00eb politik\u00ebn p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb tranzicionit. N\u00eb qoft\u00eb se Berisha dhe Rama, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se t\u00eb dy ata do t\u00eb vendosnin t\u00eb iknin nes\u00ebr nga politika, sa do t\u00eb ndryshonte realisht sistemi?<\/p>\n M.B.:<\/strong>\u00a0Nj\u00ebher\u00eb, uroj q\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb mos ndryshoj\u00eb kurr\u00eb. Po ndryshoi ky sistem, sistemi tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb diktatura. Nuk ka dy sisteme n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Ka ose diktatur\u00eb, ose demokraci. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb k\u00ebto parullat p\u00ebr ndryshim sistemi ose jan\u00eb naive dhe artikulohen nga njer\u00ebz pa ndonj\u00eb koshienc\u00eb politike, ose pastaj ka disa njer\u00ebz q\u00eb e duan v\u00ebrtet diktatur\u00ebn. Brezi im \u00ebsht\u00eb brezi q\u00eb ka luftuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb sistem. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se luftuam aq shum\u00eb, na ngeli n\u00eb dor\u00eb sistemi, por jemi d\u00ebshmitar\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimit t\u00eb sistemit dhe k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb u p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsua. Tani kjo ideja q\u00eb duhet p\u00ebrmbysur prap\u00eb ky sistem\u2026 nuk ka sistem tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Sistemi tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb ai q\u00eb ishte. Sistemet mikse jan\u00eb sisteme t\u00eb cilat ne i p\u00ebrjetojm\u00eb n\u00eb periudha t\u00eb ndryshme. Nj\u00eb sistem \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb jet\u00eb i hapur, t\u00eb ket\u00eb zgjedhje, t\u00eb ket\u00eb institucione t\u00eb pavarura. Pastaj n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb dominon nj\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr autokrat, n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb dominon nj\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr liberal, n\u00eb nj\u00eb reformator, n\u00eb nj\u00eb i paaft\u00eb. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e dinamik\u00ebs s\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, por me sistemin \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shaka e madhe kur thuhet q\u00eb duhet nd\u00ebrruar sistemi.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0N\u00eb tridhjet\u00eb ca vite gazetari politike, a ka nj\u00eb gjykim politik q\u00eb ju ka rezultuar i gabuar? Nj\u00eb personazh q\u00eb ndoshta e keni vler\u00ebsuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb se\u00e7 duhet ose e keni n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsuar?<\/p>\n M.B.:<\/strong>\u00a0Un\u00eb nuk kam ndonj\u00eb list\u00eb ndjese p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb pun\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre, por natyrisht q\u00eb n\u00eb momente t\u00eb caktuara ka pasur plot gjykime t\u00eb nxituara ose t\u00eb gabuara p\u00ebr politikan\u00eb, sidomos kur ke distanc\u00eb me ta. Prandaj \u00ebsht\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb gazetar\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm politik\u00eb, s\u2019po them \u00e7do gazetar politik, t\u00eb ken\u00eb kontakte dhe njohje personale me personalitete n\u00eb vend, qoft\u00eb edhe sikur t\u2019i ken\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00eb dhe sikur t\u2019i ken\u00eb miq, p\u00ebr shkak se ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ndihm\u00eb e madhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb m\u00eb realist. Por natyrisht nj\u00eb gazetar ka gjithmon\u00eb koh\u00eb ta korrigjoj\u00eb veten dhe, si t\u00eb thuash, biografin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. P\u00ebr shembull, \u00ebsht\u00eb tjet\u00ebr gj\u00eb se si e gjykoja un\u00eb Ramiz Alin\u00eb n\u00eb \u201990-\u00ebn. Mund ta haja t\u00eb gjall\u00eb po t\u00eb m\u00eb dilte p\u00ebrpara. Tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb se si e gjykoja n\u00eb 2010-\u00ebn, kur ai ishte akoma gjall\u00eb. Ishte nja nj\u00eb vit p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb ndahej nga jeta. M\u2019u shfaq p\u00ebrball\u00eb te Uj\u00ebvara aty n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, af\u00ebr shkoll\u00ebs Emin Duraku. Kishte nj\u00eb fatur\u00eb dritash q\u00eb i kishte ardhur, tridhjet\u00eb mij\u00eb lek\u00eb t\u00eb vjetra, edhe m\u00eb tha: \u201cOre djal\u00eb, ma zgjidh pak. Pse m\u00eb ka ardhur fatura tridhjet\u00eb mij\u00eb lek\u00eb, se un\u00eb kam dy muaj q\u00eb rri te vajza n\u00eb Suedi?\u201d Dhe ishte shum\u00eb i shqet\u00ebsuar. Tani, kur mendon q\u00eb nj\u00eb njeri q\u00eb ka pasur n\u00eb dor\u00eb gjith\u00eb shtetin shqiptar dhe q\u00eb ne donim ta shqyenim t\u00eb gjall\u00eb n\u00eb \u201990-\u00ebn, n\u00eb 2010-\u00ebn ishte i shqet\u00ebsuar q\u00eb CEZ-i, apo kush ishte aty, i kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb fatur\u00eb aforfe tridhjet\u00eb mij\u00eb lek\u00eb t\u00eb vjetra dhe po mendohej p\u00ebr at\u00eb. I dukej shum\u00eb. Natyrisht q\u00eb ta ndryshon mendimin. Mbaj mend q\u00eb b\u00ebra nj\u00eb shkrim, q\u00eb ky jetoi aq gjat\u00eb sa na turp\u00ebroi t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve. Jetoi aq gjat\u00eb sa na pa q\u00eb ne e b\u00ebm\u00eb m\u00eb keq se ai. Ne q\u00eb e p\u00ebrmbys\u00ebm at\u00eb, ne b\u00ebm\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem q\u00eb ai n\u00eb fund ishte i ndersh\u00ebm dhe ne ishim t\u00eb korruptuar. Ai k\u00ebrkonte lek\u00ebt e fatur\u00ebs. Pra, gjithmon\u00eb ke koh\u00eb ta korrigjosh nj\u00eb mendim p\u00ebr dik\u00eb. Apo p\u00ebr Sali Berish\u00ebn. Tjet\u00ebr mendim mund t\u00eb kishte njeriu p\u00ebr Sali Berish\u00ebn n\u00eb \u201992-shin, kur dukej nj\u00eb lider karizmatik, energjik, me shum\u00eb frym\u00ebzim p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare. Ndryshe dukej n\u00eb \u201996-\u00ebn, tmerr dukej n\u00eb \u201997-\u00ebn, akoma m\u00eb tmerr duket sot. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb nuk je vet\u00ebm ti q\u00eb gjykon gabim n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb caktuar si gazetar politik, por t\u00eb gjith\u00eb aktor\u00ebt aty, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb personazhet aty ndryshojn\u00eb dhe nuk kan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat pozicione. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb jesh i qet\u00eb me veten kur ke shkruar p\u00ebr at\u00eb periudh\u00eb, q\u00eb ke shkruar se ashtu ke menduar dhe nuk ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb llogari politike apo nj\u00eb goditje n\u00ebn brez. Gj\u00ebrat e tjera pastaj jan\u00eb gj\u00ebra q\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb, nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0P\u00ebr t\u2019u ndalur pak te kryeministri aktual, kryeministri Rama perceptohet si shum\u00eb i pushtetsh\u00ebm, madje m\u00eb i pushtetsh\u00ebm se paraardh\u00ebsit e tij. A mendoni q\u00eb ka realisht m\u00eb shum\u00eb pushtet se\u00e7 kan\u00eb pasur kryeministrat e tjer\u00eb?<\/p>\n M.B.:<\/strong>\u00a0\u00c7\u00ebshtja e pushtetit ka dy dimensione t\u00eb grumbullimit t\u00eb pushtetit. Nj\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb dimensioni personal, aft\u00ebsia personale e nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb grumbulluar pushtet, dhe tjetri \u00ebsht\u00eb fati politik, institucional. Edi Rama i ka t\u00eb dyja. Edi Rama ka aft\u00ebsin\u00eb personale q\u00eb t\u00eb grumbulloj\u00eb pushtet dhe t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb lider karizmatik. Ka krijuar m\u00eb pastaj, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs parlamentare t\u00eb gjat\u00eb dhe t\u00eb madhe q\u00eb ka, nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebsuar mbi tet\u00ebdhjet\u00eb e kat\u00ebr vota, me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ndryshon \u00e7do gj\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7 Kushtetut\u00ebs, dhe ka krijuar nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm, ka krijuar edhe nj\u00eb pushtet institucional, ka krijuar ligje t\u00eb cilat centralizojn\u00eb shum\u00eb pushtet tek ai. T\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto jan\u00eb negative. Pozitivi \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti q\u00eb ky nuk e ka keqp\u00ebrdorur at\u00eb pushtet, por kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb q\u00eb nuk jep shum\u00eb garanci, as tek ky n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se rri gjat\u00eb, por sidomos tek pasardh\u00ebsit e tij, kushdo q\u00eb t\u00eb vij\u00eb. Nj\u00eb gj\u00eb po ta them: n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se ndodh sot nj\u00eb tektonik, p\u00ebrmbyset dhe t\u00eb vjen n\u00eb pushtet Sali Berisha me k\u00ebto kompetenca q\u00eb ka Edi Rama, k\u00ebtu je gati t\u00eb k\u00ebrkosh Enver Hoxh\u00ebn pastaj, se duket burr\u00eb m\u00eb i mir\u00eb. Se varet nga m\u00ebnyra se si nj\u00eb njeri e p\u00ebrdor pushtetin. N\u00eb qoft\u00eb se ty t\u00eb vjen sot n\u00eb pushtet Sali Berisha me k\u00ebto kompetenca, q\u00eb gjith\u00eb lejet jepen n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend, do b\u00ebhet radh\u00eb e madhe para sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Shk\u00eblzenit. Gjith\u00eb tenderat jepen n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend, radh\u00eb e madhe para Argit\u00ebs. Gjith\u00eb kompetencat e bashkive varen tek nj\u00eb minist\u00ebr. Pra, krijohet nj\u00eb sistem jo shum\u00eb i sigurt p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket korrupsionit dhe persekutimit politik, por kthehet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb but\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem diktatorial p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb personit q\u00eb e merr. Nuk them q\u00eb Rama \u00ebsht\u00eb engj\u00ebll dhe ai e b\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebr leht\u00ebsi operimi dhe p\u00ebr zhg\u00ebnjim q\u00eb ka, natyrisht, nga nivelet e dyta, t\u00eb treta, drejtuesit e bashkive. Por ushtrimi m\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb n\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u2019u dor\u00ebzoj\u00eb pushtet budallenjve q\u00eb ka rrotull dhe duhet t\u2019ua dor\u00ebzoj\u00eb brenda institucioneve. Okej, nj\u00eb kryetar bashkie mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb budalla, po e ka at\u00eb kompetenc\u00ebn. Nuk mundesh, meqen\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb budalla ai, t\u2019ia marr\u00ebsh Tiran\u00ebs. Nuk mund t\u2019i l\u00ebsh bashkit\u00eb pa asnj\u00eb kompetenc\u00eb, si\u00e7 kan\u00eb mbetur, dhe t\u00eb diskutojm\u00eb p\u00ebr kufij territorial\u00eb. Nj\u00eb bashki e vog\u00ebl e d\u00ebshtuar nga nj\u00eb bashki e madhe e d\u00ebshtuar nuk ka asnj\u00eb ndryshim. Ndryshimi \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb bashki funksionale. \u00c7\u2019r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi ka territori? K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb, p\u00ebr mendimin tim, problemi q\u00eb ka Rama \u00ebsht\u00eb se ka grumbulluar pushtet p\u00ebr leht\u00ebsi qeverisjeje, por, si ata njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb ikin, duhet ta zhb\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pushtet. Duhet ta zhb\u00ebj\u00eb vet\u00eb me duart e veta, se po e gjeti dikush tjet\u00ebr nga mbrapa, nuk e zhb\u00ebn m\u00eb. Nuk ka m\u00eb asnj\u00eb budalla kryeminist\u00ebr q\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pushtet institucional q\u00eb ka krijuar Rama, k\u00ebto kompetenca q\u00eb ka krijuar ai, k\u00ebt\u00eb centralizim t\u00eb pushtetit drejt institucioneve qendrore, q\u00eb operon gjithsej me pes\u00eb njer\u00ebz, dhe ta zhb\u00ebj\u00eb. E gjen gati dhe thot\u00eb: mir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb duan pushtetin, por varet kush e ka at\u00eb dhe cilat jan\u00eb objektivat e atyre q\u00eb vijn\u00eb mbrapa. Objektivat e Ram\u00ebs kan\u00eb qen\u00eb, pasi stabilizoi pushtetin, t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb. Po ai q\u00eb vjen pas Ram\u00ebs nuk e ka k\u00ebt\u00eb. Ka prioritet t\u00eb par\u00eb stabilizimin e pushtetit dhe, me kaq shum\u00eb grumbullim pushteti, t\u00eb b\u00ebn gj\u00ebm\u00ebn.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0N\u00eb lidhje me protest\u00ebn, jan\u00eb pak m\u00eb shum\u00eb se tet\u00eb-dhjet\u00eb dit\u00eb q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit protestojn\u00eb. Ju keni b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe n\u00eb shkrimet tuaja krahasime me protestat, me l\u00ebvizjet e dhjetorit. Nga ato q\u00eb keni par\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn, nga l\u00ebvizja e student\u00ebve, nga protestat e tjera q\u00eb kan\u00eb ndodhur m\u00eb pas, \u00e7far\u00eb dallon nj\u00eb protest\u00eb q\u00eb arrin t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb balanc\u00ebn politike nga nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje q\u00eb thjesht shfaq zem\u00ebrim ose mllef?<\/p>\n M.B.:<\/strong>\u00a0E para, mendoj q\u00eb protesta ka zgjatur dhjet\u00eb dit\u00eb. Protesta. Protesta ka qen\u00eb dy jav\u00ebt e para, por dhjet\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para ka qen\u00eb protest\u00eb. Protest\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, protest\u00eb qytetare, me nj\u00eb lloj frym\u00ebzimi q\u00eb t\u00eb ngjallte edhe simpati dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ne q\u00eb kemi p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pun\u00eb thoshim: ishte nj\u00eb shans i art\u00eb q\u00eb shoq\u00ebria shqiptare t\u00eb nxirrte nj\u00eb lidership t\u00eb ri t\u00eb aktivizmit politik. Nuk po them t\u00eb nxirrte politikan\u00ebt e s\u00eb ardhmes, por ajo frym\u00eb, ai pozitivitet, ai reagim, ai nerv, i cili mori shkas nga nj\u00eb gjest ndaj protestuesit n\u00eb Zv\u00ebrnec, t\u00eb prodhonte energji pozitive dhe t\u00eb prodhonte nj\u00eb elit\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb aktivizmit politik n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Ai shans humbi menj\u00ebher\u00eb. Shansi i dyt\u00eb q\u00eb humbi ishte popullariteti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb Donald Trumpit, q\u00eb u b\u00eb si bez\u00eb e kuqe p\u00ebr gjith\u00eb median e bot\u00ebs, gjeti nj\u00eb vend si Shqip\u00ebria p\u00ebr t\u2019u fokusuar dhe protesta pati nj\u00eb popullaritet t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, q\u00eb nuk kishte lidhje fare me thelbin e protest\u00ebs, por p\u00ebr nj\u00eb protest\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb fat. \u00cbsht\u00eb fat q\u00eb ty t\u00eb del nj\u00eb kauz\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7on n\u00eb \u00e7do media t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb bot\u00ebs dhe ky fakt, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorej pozitivisht, u shp\u00ebrdorua dhe u kthye n\u00eb problem rivaliteti se kush do ta p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsonte at\u00eb popullaritet. Mendoni se mediat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare kishin ardhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb fytyrat e kat\u00ebr-pes\u00eb aktivist\u00ebve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e kan\u00eb pun\u00eb at\u00eb, nuk e kan\u00eb as aktiviz\u00ebm? Shansi i tret\u00eb q\u00eb, mendoj, dogji protesta ishte se dogji frym\u00ebn qytetare me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn nisi. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, nuk e mbajti dot vet\u00eb protesta, nuk ishte n\u00eb gjendje ta mbante. Pasi kaluan dhjet\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para, protesta kaloi n\u00eb nj\u00eb institucion lin\u00e7ues. Un\u00eb nuk kam par\u00eb kurr\u00eb p\u00ebr tridhjet\u00eb e gjasht\u00eb vjet ndonj\u00eb protest\u00eb lin\u00e7uese n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 demonstrat\u00ebs s\u00eb 14 shtatorit. Okej, ajo kishte edhe tanke dhe kallashnikov\u00eb, po nuk vrisnin njer\u00ebz n\u00eb rrug\u00eb. E kishin p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb qeverin\u00eb. Nj\u00eb-dy or\u00eb, dy or\u00eb luft\u00eb. Kurse nj\u00eb protest\u00eb q\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb nj\u00eb tribun\u00eb urrejtjeje ndaj \u00e7do njeriu n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb dakord me ata, apo q\u00eb ata mendojn\u00eb q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb dakord, se mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe dakord me nj\u00eb nga ato \u00e7\u00ebshtje; protest\u00eb q\u00eb b\u00ebn lista njer\u00ebzish q\u00eb k\u00ebta duhen vrar\u00eb: k\u00ebtij duhet t\u2019i shkat\u00ebrrohet biznesi, ky do t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb koncert, duhet prishur koncerti, ky ka hotel, duhet prishur hoteli, ky ka autobus, duhet djegur autobusi. As fashizmi s\u2019e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb vet\u00ebm komunist\u00ebt n\u00eb \u201945-\u00ebn, q\u00eb shkonin me lista sht\u00ebpi m\u00eb sht\u00ebpi dhe thoshin: \u201cK\u00ebtij merrini florinjt\u00eb, k\u00ebtij vritini djalin, k\u00ebtij futini n\u00eb burg vajz\u00ebn, se ky s\u2019ka qen\u00eb me ne gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs.\u201d Frym\u00eb urrejtjeje, lin\u00e7uese dhe negativiteti m\u00eb t\u00eb madh n\u00eb historin\u00eb e tridhjet\u00eb e gjasht\u00eb vjet\u00ebve nuk kam par\u00eb kurr\u00eb. Protestat e vitit \u201990, q\u00eb n\u00eb fakt u kuror\u00ebzuan me rr\u00ebzimin e nj\u00eb prej diktaturave m\u00eb t\u00eb ndyra t\u00eb bot\u00ebs, jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, e kan\u00eb pasur legjitime urrejtjen, po nuk e kishin. E kan\u00eb pasur legjitime, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb. Njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb dol\u00ebn, sidomos pasi iku puna e student\u00ebve dhe dol\u00ebn n\u00eb protesta t\u00eb burgosur e t\u00eb persekutuar, ata mund t\u00eb kishin t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb vrisnin. Asnj\u00eb nga ata nuk shfaqte urrejtje n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb personale. Kurr\u00eb nuk mbaj mend un\u00eb nj\u00eb njeri t\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb ket\u00eb dal\u00eb n\u00eb tribun\u00eb dhe t\u2019u thot\u00eb njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb tij: \u201cMero Baze\u201d \u2014 po e z\u00ebm\u00eb Mero Bazen sikur ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb oficer Sigurimi \u2014 \u201cm\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe un\u00eb, ku ta gjej, do ta vras.\u201d Kurr\u00eb s\u2019ka th\u00ebn\u00eb ndonj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. Me logjik\u00ebn e tyre kan\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb mij\u00eb her\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb shoq\u00ebria ka qen\u00eb e pjekur dhe e p\u00ebrgjegjshme p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb b\u00ebnte dhe aq e fort\u00eb ishte kjo ndjenj\u00eb vet\u00ebp\u00ebrmbajtjeje ndaj nj\u00eb t\u00eb kaluare kriminale. K\u00ebta ankohen si njer\u00ebz t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar. Ata nuk ankohen si njer\u00ebz t\u00eb persekutuar, se aty nj\u00ebzet p\u00ebr qind e atyre njer\u00ebzve protestojn\u00eb p\u00ebr mosarritjet e tyre n\u00eb jet\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat mund t\u2019ua ket\u00eb penguar dikush, por nj\u00ebzet p\u00ebr qind i ka penguar vetja. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dram\u00eb e madhe. T\u00eb dal\u00ebsh aty t\u00eb thuash \u201cMua m\u00eb ka ndar\u00eb burri, mua m\u00eb ka ikur\u2026\u201d ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e tyre, po urrejtja ndaj njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri n\u00eb nj\u00eb tribun\u00eb proteste \u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00ebja m\u00eb haxhiqamiliste q\u00eb ka par\u00eb historia e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. Fiks si Haxhi Qamili, kur Shqip\u00ebria b\u00ebnte pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb, ngrihej me zjarrin n\u00eb dor\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb djegur njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb po i sillnin atij Per\u00ebndimin, se nj\u00ebri kishte kapele republikane dhe jo fes turk. Urrejtja q\u00eb ka demonstruar nuk e mban t\u00ebr\u00eb protest\u00ebn. Protesta ka qen\u00eb vet\u00ebm dhjet\u00eb dit\u00eb. Kjo pjesa tjet\u00ebr nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb protest\u00eb. Kjo pjesa tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb burokraci e protest\u00ebs, njer\u00ebz q\u00eb kan\u00eb tridhjet\u00eb-dyzet vjet, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb marrin lavdin\u00eb e protest\u00ebs, ta marrin, ta shesin, ta rishesin, ta cop\u00ebtojn\u00eb, t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb. Nj\u00eb gj\u00eb qesharake, banale, q\u00eb zhduk t\u00eb gjitha shanset pozitive q\u00eb prodhoi konteksti i protest\u00ebs si protest\u00eb ndaj qeveris\u00eb dhe t\u00eb gjitha gj\u00ebrat e artikuluara n\u00eb protest\u00eb pas dhjet\u00eb dit\u00ebve t\u00eb para. Po i ndaj dhjet\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para, sepse dhjet\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para ishte protest\u00eb. Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb protest\u00eb, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb agjend\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb si foltorja e Sali Berish\u00ebs, q\u00eb do t\u00eb th\u00ebrrasim dyqind veta sot dhe do dalim atje. Do shajm\u00eb: ti do shash Meron, ti do shash Blionin, ti do shash at\u00eb, ti do shash at\u00eb dhe ikin n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb llum i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb son\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb turp\u00ebruese, e cila do t\u2019i kushtoj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb aktivizmit shoq\u00ebror n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, p\u00ebr shkak se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb do t\u00eb kujtojn\u00eb historin\u00eb q\u00eb ne dol\u00ebm atje, kishim shpres\u00eb, na mundi Edi Rama me Sali Berish\u00ebn. E dyta, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb keqkuptim i madh i protest\u00ebs: zemra e protest\u00ebs, dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb duhet ta pranojm\u00eb nj\u00ebher\u00eb e mir\u00eb, ka qen\u00eb Partia Demokratike. Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb negative. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb pozitive, se Partia Demokratike ka kontingjentin m\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb t\u00eb protestuesve dhe t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve. Dhe k\u00ebta q\u00eb i kompleksonin me at\u00eb parull\u00ebn \u201cBerisha n\u00eb burg, Berisha n\u00eb burg\u201d, q\u00eb t\u2019i mbani larg, e thon\u00eb vet\u00ebm q\u00eb mos t\u2019ua marrin lidershipin ata, se nj\u00ebzet p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve q\u00eb protestojn\u00eb un\u00eb i njoh, njer\u00ebz t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Demokratike jan\u00eb, pjes\u00eb e saj. Ata jan\u00eb t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Demokratike, ata kan\u00eb kat\u00ebrmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet q\u00eb protestojn\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00eb. Ata jan\u00eb njer\u00ebzit m\u00eb t\u00eb duruar aty n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. Durojn\u00eb edhe d\u00ebmtimet e tyre duke ushqyer udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e tyre. Mir\u00eb a keq, i kan\u00eb t\u00eb tyre ata dhe ata jan\u00eb aty p\u00ebr at\u00eb. Nuk jan\u00eb p\u00ebr ata kat\u00ebr vet\u00ebt q\u00eb duan t\u00eb marrin protest\u00ebn. Dhe ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb akoma m\u00eb e sh\u00ebmtuar jan\u00eb k\u00ebto tre-kat\u00ebr partit\u00eb e vogla, t\u00eb cilat mendojn\u00eb q\u00eb b\u00ebhen t\u00eb m\u00ebdha po t\u00eb quhen pronar\u00ebt e protest\u00ebs dhe shfaqen aty sikur k\u00ebta organizojn\u00eb protest\u00ebn. Ata jan\u00eb njer\u00ebz t\u00eb verifikuar n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, sapo kan\u00eb dal\u00eb nga k\u00ebto zgjedhje. Nj\u00ebri ka marr\u00eb nj\u00eb deputet, nj\u00ebri ka marr\u00eb nj\u00eb e gjysm\u00eb, nj\u00ebri ka marr\u00eb gjysm\u00eb. Dihet \u00e7far\u00eb jan\u00eb, dihet \u00e7far\u00eb fuqie kan\u00eb. Pra, p\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr ta privatizuar, sa nga partit\u00eb e vogla, sa nga k\u00ebta aktivist\u00ebt q\u00eb kan\u00eb gjith\u00eb enturazhin e protest\u00ebs, organizator\u00ebt q\u00eb ne i njohim t\u00eb gjith\u00eb me em\u00ebr mbrapsht, kan\u00eb nj\u00ebzet vjet q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pun\u00eb. Jan\u00eb mbetje t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste dhe mbetje t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Demokratike n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn. Pra, jan\u00eb njer\u00ebz t\u00eb zhb\u00ebr\u00eb nga Partia Socialiste dhe nga Partia Demokratike, k\u00ebta q\u00eb duan ta kapin, kurse zemra e protest\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb Partia Demokratike. \u00c7do njeri q\u00eb mendon q\u00eb ata nuk jan\u00eb Partia Demokratike ka b\u00ebr\u00eb llogaritje gabim. Po t\u2019u thot\u00eb Berisha atyre \u201cIkni\u201d, e ke bosh sheshin. Tha Berisha \u201cShkoni, mbushni sheshin\u201d. T\u00eb tjerat pastaj, k\u00ebto parullat, diaspora, tollovia q\u00eb vijn\u00eb lart e posht\u00eb rrug\u00ebve, ato jan\u00eb gj\u00ebra q\u00eb e banalizojn\u00eb protest\u00ebn, e cila nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb protest\u00eb tani. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb protest\u00eb burokratike, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as politike, as prodhon asgj\u00eb. Prodhon energji negative apo rivalitete brenda k\u00ebtyre mbetjeve t\u00eb PD-s\u00eb dhe PS-s\u00eb, q\u00eb kan\u00eb nj\u00ebzet vjet q\u00eb sillen rrug\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u2019u faktorizuar politikisht. Un\u00eb mund t\u2019i marr nj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ata, por nuk e kam at\u00eb frym\u00ebn lin\u00e7uese t\u00eb tyre. Po un\u00eb mund t\u00eb marr nj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb se \u00e7\u2019ka b\u00ebr\u00eb ai njeriu m\u00eb 2010-\u00ebn, \u00e7\u2019ka b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb 2014-\u00ebn, \u00e7\u2019ka b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb 2016-\u00ebn. Dhe ky grupi pastaj q\u00eb ka filluar nga \u201919-ta e mbrapa, se aty ka edhe grup krahinor, ka edhe grup politik t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, ka mbeturina t\u00eb Sorosit, mbeturina t\u00eb PS-s\u00eb, mbeturina t\u00eb PD-s\u00eb. Jan\u00eb njer\u00ebz t\u00eb zhb\u00ebr\u00eb dhe aty ka njer\u00ebz q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjasht\u00eb-shtat\u00eb parti dhe del si aktivist politik. \u00c7far\u00eb kuptimi ka? Pra \u00ebsht\u00eb burokratizuar gjith\u00e7ka. \u00cbsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje p\u00ebr t\u00eb kapur protest\u00ebn dhe nuk mund t\u00eb flasim m\u00eb p\u00ebr protest\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb flasim vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr dhjet\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para, p\u00ebr shanset e r\u00ebnda t\u00eb djegura, t\u00eb cilat do t\u2019i kushtojn\u00eb gjat\u00eb aktivizmit politik n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb mendojn\u00eb q\u00eb kjo protest\u00eb ka rritur aktivizmin. Un\u00eb mendoj q\u00eb ka d\u00ebshtuar aktivizmin.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0\u00c7far\u00eb e shkaktoi k\u00ebt\u00eb tretje ose humbje t\u00eb protest\u00ebs?<\/p>\n M.B.:<\/strong>\u00a0Protesta ishte spontane. Duhet ta pranojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. Dhe fakti q\u00eb protesta u b\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb popullore n\u00eb mediat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb Trumpit i gjeti t\u00eb pap\u00ebrgatitur t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. I gjeti t\u00eb pap\u00ebrgatitur udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e duhur t\u00eb protest\u00ebs, pra ata q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb organizonin protest\u00ebn. Pra, protesta nuk pati nj\u00eb parap\u00ebrgatitje. Nuk ekzistonte nj\u00eb grup i ri, nj\u00eb grup q\u00eb kishte vendosur t\u00eb b\u00ebnte nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, si\u00e7 u b\u00eb, dhe fakti q\u00eb protest\u00ebn e pompoi media nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, sidomos media per\u00ebndimore kund\u00ebr Trumpit, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb tmerri i gjith\u00eb medias nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, jo pa t\u00eb drejt\u00eb n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve. \u00c7\u00ebshtja e Izraelit, gjith\u00eb aktivist\u00ebt e majt\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt u b\u00ebn\u00eb obsesiv\u00eb me Gaz\u00ebn, historia e dhimbshme humanitare e Gaz\u00ebs dhe manipulimi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb k\u00ebtu po vijn\u00eb izraelit\u00ebt, do marrin gjith\u00e7ka, do bien palestinez\u00ebt. T\u00eb gjitha ato teorit\u00eb konspirative, t\u00eb shoq\u00ebruara me frym\u00ebn anti-Trump, i dhan\u00eb popullaritet aq t\u00eb madh protest\u00ebs, sa protesta gjeti t\u00eb pap\u00ebrgatitur vet\u00eb protest\u00ebn. Dol\u00ebn qytetar\u00ebt n\u00eb rrug\u00eb dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb mendonin q\u00eb ishte dikush nga pas. N\u00eb fakt, s\u2019ishte askush nga pas. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb hodh\u00ebn benzin\u00eb mbi zjarr q\u00eb protesta t\u00eb rritej, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe qeverin\u00eb. Por protesta s\u2019kishte asgj\u00eb dhe, kur protesta iku pas dhjet\u00eb dit\u00ebsh, u zbuluan gjith\u00eb ata q\u00eb kat\u00ebrmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet merren me protesta, i ke aty tani. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb koleksion njer\u00ebzish, mos t\u00eb them fjal\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ne i njohim kush jan\u00eb dhe jan\u00eb qesharak\u00eb p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb. Jan\u00eb n\u00ebn nivelin mesatar t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Nuk mund t\u2019i thuash nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie t\u00eb emancipuar, nuk mund t\u2019u thuash atyre vajzave q\u00eb dol\u00ebn dhjet\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para n\u00eb protest\u00eb: do shkosh pas tyre. Ka respekt p\u00ebr veten njeriu. Njeriu \u00ebsht\u00eb profesionist. Ka inat Edi Ram\u00ebn me shum\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. Ka inat faktin q\u00eb kjo lloj qeverisjeje privilegjon nj\u00eb grup t\u00eb caktuar biznesi, apo, si t\u00eb thuash, vepron me metoda arbitrare p\u00ebr planifikimin urban, p\u00ebr zhvillimin e vendit dhe nuk u jep shanse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihen n\u00eb t\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e drejt\u00eb. Ai del n\u00eb rrug\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb, po nuk del p\u00ebr nj\u00eb banalitet pastaj q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb n\u00eb duart e dy-tre lin\u00e7uesve aty. Dhe ky \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebmi m\u00eb i madh q\u00eb ka shkaktuar keqkuptimi me protest\u00ebn. Keqkuptimi q\u00eb protest\u00ebn dikush po e b\u00ebn. Protesta u plasi. Qytetar\u00ebt dol\u00ebn n\u00eb rrug\u00eb. Kush mundi, futi duart. Irani futi duart. Albin Kurti, kok\u00eb e k\u00ebmb\u00eb. Po k\u00ebto jan\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt. Ato ishin t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr protest\u00ebn, po t\u00eb kishte lidership, protesta ua tregonte vendin atyre dhe iknin. Nuk i b\u00ebnin d\u00ebm. Bile un\u00eb mendoj q\u00eb ato i b\u00ebjn\u00eb nder qeveris\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrhyrjet e huaja n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast jan\u00eb argument p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb, po nd\u00ebrhyrjet e huaja ishin n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb shtypit t\u00eb huaj. Nuk kan\u00eb lidhje me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb. Nuk b\u00ebn ndonj\u00eb gj\u00ebm\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri se b\u00ebri Irani nj\u00ebzet video. Apo d\u00ebrgoi Albin Kurti pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb veta q\u00eb b\u00ebrtasin n\u00ebp\u00ebr rrug\u00eb \u201cShqip\u00ebria etnike\u201d. Ajo tregon m\u00eb shum\u00eb pastaj predispozitat politike t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve. Problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb: protesta ishte e shqiptar\u00ebve, ishte e protestuesve, ishte e qytetar\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb dhe ata duhet ta mbanin dhe duhet t\u00eb prodhonin di\u00e7ka. Nuk prodhuan dot asgj\u00eb, ngeli n\u00eb dor\u00eb t\u00eb atyre q\u00eb ne i njohim. \u00cbsht\u00eb problem i madh n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb vog\u00ebl kur i njeh. Ti e di kush \u00ebsht\u00eb. Mjafton t\u00eb m\u00eb thuash emrin dhe, okej, e di \u00e7\u2019pres prej tij. Nuk pres tani un\u00eb ndonj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb madhe prej atyre pes\u00eb emrave. Jan\u00eb periferia e periferis\u00eb s\u00eb periferis\u00eb s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. Nuk kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb asgj\u00eb n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e tyre. N\u00eb jet\u00ebn e tyre kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb vet\u00ebm protesta dhe kan\u00eb shar\u00eb njer\u00ebz. Okej, me at\u00eb pun\u00eb e kan\u00eb mbaruar gjith\u00eb jet\u00ebn dhe, po ta vazhdojn\u00eb, nuk e ndryshojn\u00eb dot shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb. Forca e vetme udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse e protest\u00ebs, asaj proteste q\u00eb mund t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb Partia Demokratike. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb protest\u00eb q\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e ka Partia Demokratike. K\u00ebta pastaj, guralec\u00ebt q\u00eb sillen rrotull, jan\u00eb p\u00ebr protest\u00ebn personale.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0Po \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebjta Partia Demokratike q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim e sulmoi protest\u00ebn dit\u00ebt e para.<\/p>\n M.B.:<\/strong>\u00a0S\u2019ishte e saja n\u00eb fillim. Dhjet\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para s\u2019ishte e saja, nuk ishte e askujt protesta. Protesta dhjet\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para ishte e qytetar\u00ebve. Natyrisht q\u00eb ta sulmonte. U befasua. I doli nj\u00eb parti tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb nuk e kishte llogaritur. P\u00ebr tre dit\u00eb e zhb\u00ebri Partin\u00eb Demokratike nga fuqia e saj. N\u00eb momentin q\u00eb iku protesta, protesta p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn flitej akoma si mit q\u00eb ekziston, q\u00eb nuk ekziston, protesta mbeti e Partis\u00eb Demokratike dhe, kur t\u00eb doj\u00eb, at\u00eb protest\u00eb e rrit dhe e fuqizon, n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre, n\u00eb nivel politik edhe Partin\u00eb Demokratike, po jo n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb cil\u00ebsore q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbys\u00eb di\u00e7ka n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb protesta e Partis\u00eb Demokratike tani, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb. Ose e k\u00ebtyre q\u00eb rrihen me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin \u00e7do nat\u00eb. Po nuk ka protest\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. Protesta qytetare iku dhjet\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para dhe njer\u00ebzit shkuan n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi. Nuk kishte m\u00eb kuptim.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0N\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb t\u00eb para dy-tre viteve me Ylli Rakipin, m\u00eb duket te \u201cT\u00eb Paekspozuarit\u201d, keni th\u00ebn\u00eb q\u00eb nuk arrit\u00ebm t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri demokratike ose nj\u00eb sistem politik demokratik dhe keni p\u00ebrshkruar se si Partia Demokratike dhe Partia Socialiste p\u00ebrs\u00ebrit\u00ebn gj\u00ebrat m\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebqija t\u00eb Partis\u00eb s\u00eb Pun\u00ebs dhe parti t\u00eb tjera m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. Dhe pyetja q\u00eb kam \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr tre partit\u00eb e reja, q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb reja tani, por tre partit\u00eb e vogla q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb Parlament sot. Udh\u00ebhiqen nga kryetar\u00eb q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se e kan\u00eb jetuar shum\u00eb, ose nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb mosh\u00ebs s\u00eb rritur gjat\u00eb diktatur\u00ebs. Shumica e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb mosh\u00eb goxha t\u00eb re. Pse edhe ato duket sikur po p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebrisin gabimet e partive q\u00eb duan t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojn\u00eb?<\/p>\n M.B.:<\/strong>\u00a0Problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb i kultur\u00ebs politike. Teza ime kryesore ka qen\u00eb, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se i referohesh asaj interviste, q\u00eb ne nuk kaluam nga diktatura n\u00eb demokraci. Ne kaluam nga diktatura n\u00eb pluraliz\u00ebm dhe Partin\u00eb e Pun\u00ebs e cop\u00ebtuam n\u00eb disa parti t\u00eb tjera. Dhe mekanizmi q\u00eb mbante n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb Partin\u00eb e Pun\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb mekanizmi q\u00eb mban n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb \u00e7do parti tjet\u00ebr. Pra, nuk kemi m\u00eb nj\u00eb parti, por kemi disa parti q\u00eb i ngjajn\u00eb Partis\u00eb s\u00eb Pun\u00ebs: Partin\u00eb Demokratike, Partin\u00eb Socialiste dhe partit\u00eb e tjera. Kjo vjen nga fakti q\u00eb ne i kemi partit\u00eb jodemokratike n\u00eb organizimin e tyre dhe jolegjitime. Ne kemi partit\u00eb m\u00eb jolegjitime n\u00eb vend. Ne mund t\u00eb kemi lider\u00eb legjitim\u00eb. Sali Berisha \u00ebsht\u00eb lider legjitim i Partis\u00eb Demokratike apo Edi Rama i Partis\u00eb Socialiste, p\u00ebr shkak se sido q\u00eb ta b\u00ebsh mekanizmin, ata prap\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00ebt. Dhe me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb e pa t\u00eb drejt\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00ebt. Por \u00e7far\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb ata p\u00ebr konkurrenc\u00ebn brenda partis\u00eb dhe zhvillimin nga mbrapa \u00ebsht\u00eb jodemokratike. Ti nuk ke mekanizma ligjor\u00eb q\u00eb, kur t\u00eb vjedhin votat n\u00eb parti, t\u00eb mbrohesh, si\u00e7 mund t\u00eb mbrohesh kur t\u00eb vjedhin votat n\u00eb fushat\u00eb elektorale. Ti ke raste pafund brenda Partis\u00eb Demokratike q\u00eb, kur ishte Basha, Selami e k\u00ebta q\u00eb konkurronin me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin, vidhnin votat hapur. Ti i shikoje q\u00eb vidhnin vota, dilnin edhe videot dhe prokuroria nuk nd\u00ebrhynte. \u201c\u00cbsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e asaj partie.\u201d N\u00eb fakt, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e legjitimitetit dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje sepse ajo parti p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet n\u00eb pushtet p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb shkak. Pra, nj\u00eb nga defektet kryesore t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb shqiptare \u00ebsht\u00eb demokracia e partive. Partit\u00eb sillen si copa t\u00eb diktatur\u00ebs n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Tani ti thua: pse k\u00ebta t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb? K\u00ebta t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb jan\u00eb edhe m\u00eb keq se k\u00ebta t\u00eb vjetrit. T\u00eb pakt\u00ebn k\u00ebta kan\u00eb par\u00eb Partin\u00eb e Pun\u00ebs dhe dinin se si funksiononte, kurse k\u00ebta kan\u00eb par\u00eb se si funksionojn\u00eb imituesit e Partis\u00eb s\u00eb Pun\u00ebs. Tani, Agron Shehu ka model Berish\u00ebn dhe ai \u00ebsht\u00eb akoma edhe m\u00eb qesharak. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, nj\u00eb lider q\u00eb thot\u00eb \u201cJam i djatht\u00eb\u201d, gjith\u00eb dit\u00ebn sulmon biznesmen\u00eb. Filani ka marr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb tender, ky e mori k\u00ebt\u00eb k\u00ebtu. Thua ti q\u00eb ai \u00ebsht\u00eb kryetar i Kontrollit t\u00eb Shtetit dhe un\u00eb do ta votoj at\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb m\u00eb kontrolloj\u00eb gjith\u00eb tenderat? Lufta kund\u00ebr korrupsionit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ideologji politike, nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ideologji politike. Lufta kund\u00ebr korrupsionit \u00ebsht\u00eb betej\u00eb e institucioneve ligjore dhe gjith\u00eb klasa politike duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb presion q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb betej\u00eb institucionale ligjore dhe presioni duhet ushtruar te institucionet ligjore q\u00eb ato t\u00eb jen\u00eb profesionale, jo politike, t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbuluar korrupsionin. Aty duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb beteja. K\u00ebta \u00e7\u2019b\u00ebjn\u00eb? Dalin, hapin buletinin e prokurimeve publike dhe thon\u00eb q\u00eb nuk duhet t\u00eb prokurohen gj\u00ebra n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Duhet, duhet t\u00eb themi Komisionin e Kontrollit t\u00eb Shtetit, t\u00eb Planit t\u00eb Shtetit, q\u00eb ta b\u00ebj\u00eb prap\u00eb tenderat. Dhe thon\u00eb: \u201cAaa, tender! Tre milion\u00eb euro! E shikoni? Tre milion\u00eb euro!\u201d \u00cbsht\u00eb pun\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb fatur\u00eb e nj\u00eb pune. I duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb prokuruar. Un\u00eb e kuptoj kur e thon\u00eb tre budallenj, po kur e thot\u00eb nj\u00eb kryetar partie k\u00ebt\u00eb, q\u00eb gjurmon \u00e7do dit\u00eb biznesmen\u00ebt dhe e kalon nj\u00eb jav\u00eb duke shpjeguar kush i ka bler\u00eb vilat e veta dhe nj\u00eb jav\u00eb se kush i ka bler\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve vilat, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb model lin\u00e7ues. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb njeri i paralizuar, nj\u00eb njeri q\u00eb u turret njer\u00ebzve nga mbrapa dhe ik\u00ebn. Nj\u00ebsoj ai tjetri. Kurse ky Qori, okej, ky ka nj\u00eb, si t\u00eb thuash, ky nuk ka organizim personal, se ky ka nj\u00eb parti marksiste q\u00eb mendon q\u00eb duhet ruajtur sistemi. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje tjet\u00ebr. Por personat q\u00eb ai ka, q\u00eb mobilizon dhe keqp\u00ebrdor, jan\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb lin\u00e7ues n\u00eb mentalitet. Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb del e thot\u00eb, si p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve, dhe kishte nj\u00eb status, nj\u00eb nga ata q\u00eb po shihja ato dit\u00ebt q\u00eb lin\u00e7onin njer\u00ebz publikisht, q\u00eb thoshte: \u201cNj\u00eb fshatar me fytyr\u00eb t\u00eb djegur, si ata q\u00eb mbledhin ullinj, t\u00eb m\u00eb thot\u00eb mua q\u00eb jam k\u00ebshtu.\u201d Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb sillet si p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i fshatar\u00ebve dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve. Pra, problemi i partive t\u00eb vogla, k\u00ebtyre parti\u00e7kave t\u00eb vogla, \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebta kan\u00eb nj\u00eb mentalitet lin\u00e7ues dhe, ngaq\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb fuqi, tani u ka dal\u00eb kjo protesta dhe thon\u00eb: kemi ushtrin\u00eb ton\u00eb. Protest\u00ebn e quajn\u00eb ushtrin\u00eb e tyre secili dhe, duke pasur ushtrin\u00eb virtuale nga mbrapa, jan\u00eb njer\u00ebz q\u00eb mbjellin urrejtje n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri dhe ata nuk kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb kurr\u00eb haj\u00ebr n\u00eb politik\u00ebn shqiptare. Kurr\u00eb! P\u00ebrpara tyre un\u00eb e ngre Sali Berish\u00ebn nga varri, e kthej n\u00eb pushtet. M\u00eb mir\u00eb ruaj at\u00eb sesa t\u00eb ruash njer\u00ebz pa em\u00ebr, pa fytyr\u00eb, pa p\u00ebrmbajtje, pa asnj\u00eb vep\u00ebr n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e tyre, pa asnj\u00eb gj\u00eb, vet\u00ebm urrejtje, lin\u00e7im, urrejtje, lin\u00e7im. Shqip\u00ebria e ka falur n\u00eb \u201992-shin komunizmin. Sali Berisha ka fituar pushtetin me sloganin \u201cbashk\u00ebfajtor\u00eb dhe bashk\u00ebvuajt\u00ebs\u201d, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb kishte gjith\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn Partia Demokratike t\u00eb thoshte: \u201cJo, nuk jeni bashk\u00ebfajtor\u00eb. Fajtor\u00eb jeni ju.\u201d Se shoq\u00ebria nuk mund t\u00eb ndahet n\u00eb grupe urrejt\u00ebsish. Ndryshe nuk funksionon. Nuk mund t\u00eb marr\u00ebsh n\u00eb bllok: komunist\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebqij, fashist\u00ebt ishin mir\u00eb. Komunizmi kishte ngjyrat e veta dhe ishte i rreziksh\u00ebm se shum\u00eb komunist\u00eb ishin mir\u00eb dhe ishte problem shum\u00eb i madh kur nj\u00eb komunist ishte i mir\u00eb. Nj\u00eb komunist q\u00eb, ti d\u00ebnoheshe n\u00eb burg dhe ai t\u00eb vinte n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, t\u00eb vizitonte, t\u00eb k\u00ebndellte. Me mentalitetin e k\u00ebtyre sot, jo nuk t\u00eb vizitojn\u00eb, por t\u00eb pushkatojn\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00eb. K\u00ebta q\u00eb jan\u00eb, thjesht nuk kan\u00eb mund\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0N\u00eb lidhje me reform\u00ebn administrative-territoriale ka pasur edhe nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje m\u00eb her\u00ebt, por jam kurioz: \u00e7far\u00eb e b\u00ebn kaq t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb suksesshme p\u00ebr decentralizimin e pushtetit lokal?<\/p>\n M.B.:<\/strong>\u00a0Ka dy probleme kryesore. Problemi i par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb natyra e reform\u00ebs n\u00eb vetvete. Dy partit\u00eb kryesore q\u00eb do t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb qeverisje kan\u00eb objektivat e tyre elektorale n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjen e reform\u00ebs. Pra, Partia Demokratike ka objektivat e veta. Pastaj Partia Socialiste i do sa m\u00eb pak bashkit\u00eb, edhe kjo p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb d\u00ebshtimit politik, se mund t\u2019i fitoj\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha, po b\u00ebn tridhjet\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj m\u00ebnyre, si\u00e7 ka qen\u00eb gjat\u00eb komunizmit. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja e par\u00eb. Propozimi i Partis\u00eb Socialiste \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb miks i nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur m\u00eb pak bashki n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi dhe luft\u00ebrave t\u00eb brendshme t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste, ku disa duan t\u00eb ruajn\u00eb bastionet e veta. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb tre-kat\u00ebr njer\u00ebz q\u00eb kishte brenda Partis\u00eb Socialiste kan\u00eb prishur edhe rregullin e Partis\u00eb Socialiste p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur sa m\u00eb pak bashki. I kan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb nja dyzet e gjasht\u00eb. Dikujt i duhej Roskoveci, dikujt i duhej t\u00eb hiqte Ur\u00ebn Vajgurore, dikujt i duhej t\u00eb ruante Peqinin. Edhe propozimi i Partis\u00eb Socialiste nuk ka nj\u00eb konsekuenc\u00eb parimesh. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, parimi \u00ebsht\u00eb: t\u2019i zvog\u00eblojm\u00eb dhe pik\u00eb. Nuk do t\u2019i zvog\u00eblojm\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebtyre shtat\u00eb rasteve. Do t\u2019i zvog\u00eblojm\u00eb, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtime sesa rregulla brenda asaj q\u00eb ka paraqitur Partia Socialiste. Partia Demokratike \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e sinqert\u00eb: nuk ka asnj\u00eb parim. Ka th\u00ebn\u00eb na duhen nj\u00ebqind bashki, se vet\u00ebm numrin nj\u00ebqind e ka gjetur k\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr parim. Ka vizatuar ca bashki. \u00cbsht\u00eb komplet joserioze nga t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt. E dyta gj\u00eb, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb serioze pastaj, \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ka asnj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb decentralizuar pushtetin dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i kthyer bashkit\u00eb n\u00eb institucione qeveris\u00ebse. Ne kemi bashkit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebta. Komitetet Ekzekutive t\u00eb komunizmit, p\u00ebr tridhjet\u00eb e gjasht\u00eb vjet, kan\u00eb pasur pushtet real. Ato caktonin drejtorin e arsimit, t\u00eb sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsis\u00eb, drejtorin e pun\u00ebve t\u00eb brendshme, shefin e Deg\u00ebs s\u00eb Brendshme, komisariatin e tanish\u00ebm. Kishin pushtet t\u00eb plot\u00eb mbi pushtetin ekonomik. Bashkit\u00eb sot s\u2019kan\u00eb asgj\u00eb. Po u prish uj\u00ebsjell\u00ebsi, kryetari i bashkis\u00eb nuk e ka n\u00eb dor\u00eb. Po u prish rruga, nuk e ka n\u00eb dor\u00eb. Hipotek\u00ebn nuk e ka n\u00eb dor\u00eb. Po iku energjia elektrike, s\u2019e ka n\u00eb dor\u00eb. E ka n\u00eb dor\u00eb, ku di un\u00eb, t\u00eb vij\u00eb festa kur ka fest\u00eb t\u00eb qytetit, t\u00eb pres\u00eb shiritin dhe t\u00eb sh\u00ebtis\u00eb rrug\u00ebve. \u00cbsht\u00eb skandal totalisht. Un\u00eb nuk e di se si do shkohet n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian me k\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00eb, me kompetencat, por s\u00eb paku ajo q\u00eb mendoj un\u00eb q\u00eb duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb, meqen\u00ebse k\u00ebta kan\u00eb frik\u00eb, e kuptoj un\u00eb pse kan\u00eb frik\u00eb dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se s\u2019kan\u00eb fare t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, q\u00eb t\u2019ia jap\u00ebsh nj\u00eb bashkie t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb gjitha kompetencat q\u00eb i ka Bashkia e Tiran\u00ebs, por mund ta \u00e7osh nivelin e decentralizimit n\u00eb nivel qarqesh. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, q\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb pushteti qendror. T\u00eb mos marrin ministrat n\u00eb telefon kur s\u2019ka drita, t\u00eb marrin at\u00eb kryetarin e qarkut, prefektin. Ta kalojn\u00eb, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn t\u2019i zbresin kompetencat, po t\u00eb gjitha kompetencat. Jo tenderat t\u2019i ket\u00eb ky lart, kurse k\u00ebto riparimet t\u2019i ket\u00eb ai posht\u00eb n\u00eb bashki. Pra, t\u00eb decentralizojm\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb nivel qarku ose n\u00eb nivel rrethi. T\u00eb kthehen rrethet, q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb nivel kompetencash lokale. T\u00eb din\u00eb njer\u00ebzit ku t\u00eb ven\u00eb t\u00eb ankohen. Njer\u00ebzit akoma ankohen kur s\u2019ka drita dhe uj\u00eb n\u00eb bashki, po bashkia s\u2019merret m\u00eb as me dritat, as me ujin. Me ujin merret uj\u00ebsjell\u00ebsi. Me dritat merret dikush tjet\u00ebr, \u00ebsht\u00eb kompania. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, mentaliteti i njer\u00ebzve akoma vazhdon. Njer\u00ebzit ankohen se mendojn\u00eb q\u00eb ato bashkit\u00eb\u2026 Pra, kompetencat duhet t\u00eb zbriten minimumi n\u00eb nivel qarku ose rrethi. \u00cbsht\u00eb urgjente, \u00ebsht\u00eb absolute. Edhe \u00e7\u00ebshtja e taksave, e pushtetit financiar. Bashkit\u00eb nuk marrin pothuajse asnj\u00eb taks\u00eb. N\u00eb qoft\u00eb se un\u00eb \u00e7oj nj\u00eb biznes t\u00eb madh, ku di un\u00eb, n\u00eb Tepelen\u00eb, kryetari i Bashkis\u00eb s\u00eb Tepelen\u00ebs m\u00eb merr lek\u00ebt p\u00ebr taks\u00ebn e tabel\u00ebs, se \u00e7\u2019ka taks\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. Po jo tatim-fitimin. K\u00ebto i merr qeveria qendrore. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb ti mund t\u00eb b\u00ebsh namin atje me biznes, po bashkia s\u2019fiton asgj\u00eb. Bulqiza mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb namin duke nxjerr\u00eb krom, por shkon aty e varf\u00ebr, se s\u2019ka. Fieri nxjerr naft\u00eb, po nuk ka taks\u00eb bashkia. Kan\u00eb hequr edhe tatimin p\u00ebr biznesin e vog\u00ebl, i cili ishte taks\u00eb q\u00eb e mblidhte bashkia. Bashkia s\u2019b\u00ebn asgj\u00eb. T\u00eb gjitha bizneset q\u00eb nuk e kalojn\u00eb nj\u00ebzet milion\u00eb lek\u00eb n\u00eb vit nuk paguajn\u00eb taks\u00eb. Dhe me \u00e7far\u00eb duhet t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb gj\u00ebrat ai? Natyrisht do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb \u00e7do gj\u00eb nga qeveria qendrore dhe kaq.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0A ka nj\u00eb person n\u00eb politik\u00ebn shqiptare sot q\u00eb besoni se mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet kryeminist\u00ebr n\u00eb nj\u00eb afat t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr?<\/p>\n M.B.:<\/strong>\u00a0Nuk kemi n\u00eb horizont ndonj\u00eb njeri ambicioz p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr, por kryeministrat n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00ebzet e kat\u00ebr or\u00eb, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb ti mos u \u00e7udit kur t\u00eb shikosh ndonj\u00eb komshi n\u00eb lagje q\u00eb t\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr. K\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr Pandeli Majko, Ilir Meta, shum\u00eb t\u00eb rinj, dhe nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebqij, pavar\u00ebsisht paragjykimit q\u00eb ke pasur ti n\u00eb fillim. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb pun\u00ebt b\u00ebhen. T\u00eb hysh n\u00eb politik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb fat. Shpeshher\u00eb jan\u00eb rrethanat t\u00eb cilat prodhojn\u00eb kryeministra q\u00eb ty s\u2019t\u00eb ka shkuar mendja deri dje. P\u00ebr shembull, m\u00eb 9 mars as Bashkim Finos s\u2019mund t\u2019i shkonte mendja q\u00eb do b\u00ebhej kryeminist\u00ebr. E gjet\u00ebn duke luajtur letra dhe thjesht i than\u00eb: \u201cHajde se t\u00eb k\u00ebrkon Tirana t\u00eb b\u00ebhesh kryeminist\u00ebr.\u201d Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb problem i madh. K\u00ebshtu, po nuk kemi n\u00eb horizont njer\u00ebz ambicioz\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn nga Partia Socialiste. Kurse nga Partia Demokratike \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb: kryeminist\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb Sali Berisha, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se do t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb Partia Demokratike. Por k\u00ebto jan\u00eb kot. K\u00ebto jan\u00eb, si t\u00eb thuash, shenja d\u00ebshp\u00ebruese hipotetike. Kryeministri i nj\u00eb vendi, n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tilla si Shqip\u00ebria, prodhohet p\u00ebr nj\u00ebzet e kat\u00ebr or\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb dal\u00eb shum\u00eb i mir\u00eb, mund t\u00eb dal\u00eb shum\u00eb i keq, por nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me aft\u00ebsit\u00eb e tij, se k\u00ebtu, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 Fatos Nanos, Sali Berish\u00ebs, Edi Ram\u00ebs edhe Ilir Met\u00ebs, q\u00eb e kan\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar at\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb, t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt e kan\u00eb marr\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb s\u2019e kan\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar.<\/p>\n B.R.:<\/strong>\u00a0Ky podcast mb\u00ebshtetet nga AB Bank.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Shqip\u00ebria ka ndryshuar ndjesh\u00ebm gjat\u00eb 36 viteve t\u00eb pluralizmit, por shum\u00eb nga problemet themelore t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb saj kan\u00eb mbetur thuajse t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta me ato t\u00eb viteve t\u00eb para pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb diktatur\u00ebs. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga tezat kryesore t\u00eb gazetarit dhe botuesit Mero Baze gjat\u00eb bashk\u00ebbisedimit n\u00eb Apostrof Podcast me Bjorn Run\u00ebn, ku ai […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-97675","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/97675","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=97675"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/97675\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=97675"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=97675"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=97675"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}