Let\u00ebrsia universale gjendet e rrezikuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku idet\u00eb moderne t\u00eb liris\u00eb dhe barazis\u00eb e kan\u00eb humbur fuqin\u00eb e tyre. Kriza e saj pasqyron kriz\u00ebn e s\u00eb majt\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Nga Lea Ypi, Tribune UK<\/strong><\/p>\n \u00c7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb let\u00ebrsia e angazhuar politikisht? Si\u00e7 v\u00ebrente Jean-Paul Sartre m\u00eb 1947, kjo pyetje mund t\u00eb ndahet n\u00eb tri t\u00eb pjes\u00eb: \u00c7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb shkruash? P\u00ebrse shkruajm\u00eb? Dhe p\u00ebr k\u00eb shkruajm\u00eb? K\u00ebtyre do t\u2019u shtoja edhe nj\u00eb t\u00eb kat\u00ebrt, ndoshta m\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb shekullin XXI sesa n\u00eb vitet e para pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore: Kush shkruan? \u00c7far\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieje ekziston mes aft\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb autorit p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar dhe politik\u00ebs s\u00eb vepr\u00ebs?<\/p>\n Kjo \u00e7\u00ebshtje ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi sot jo vet\u00ebm sepse n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e t\u00eb m\u00ebsuarit p\u00ebrmes makin\u00ebs p\u00ebrgjigjja po b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e paqart\u00eb. Edhe po ta l\u00ebm\u00eb m\u00ebnjan\u00eb ndikimin e teknologjive t\u00eb reja, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se format p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilave shprehet nj\u00eb autor kan\u00eb ndryshuar rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht q\u00eb nga koha e Sartrit. P\u00ebr t\u00eb, autori i angazhuar ishte ai q\u00eb bashkohej me kauz\u00ebn e klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore. Detyra e tij ishte t\u00eb zbulonte at\u00eb q\u00eb Sartre e quante nj\u00eb \u201cuniversal konkret\u201d, t\u00eb aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcyer ng\u00ebr\u00e7in mes nj\u00eb publiku borgjez, politikisht armiq\u00ebsor por leht\u00ebsisht t\u00eb arritsh\u00ebm, dhe nj\u00eb publiku proletar, ideologjikisht dashamir\u00ebs por m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u arritur.<\/p>\n Ne nuk jetojm\u00eb m\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb bot\u00eb. R\u00ebnia e socializmit nuk ndryshoi vet\u00ebm hart\u00ebn politike t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Lindore dhe kushtet e luft\u00ebs kund\u00ebr kapitalizmit n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim; ajo ndryshoi edhe vet\u00eb kuptimin e shkrimit \u201cpolitik\u201d. Tragjikisht, bashk\u00eb me t\u00eb dukej sikur u zhduk edhe k\u00ebrkesa universale p\u00ebr emancipim: ideja se klasa pun\u00ebtore ishte trash\u00ebgimtarja e nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsuar e projektit revolucionar t\u00eb borgjezis\u00eb. Pretendimi themelor se ekzistonte nj\u00eb grup i caktuar shoq\u00ebror, shtypja e t\u00eb cilit mund t\u00eb kuptohej p\u00ebrmes ideve moderne t\u00eb liris\u00eb dhe barazis\u00eb \u2014 dhe jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes konceptit m\u00eb t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm t\u00eb \u201cinteresave t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta\u201d \u2014 sot shum\u00ebkujt i ting\u00ebllon si nj\u00eb nostalgji pa shpres\u00eb. Pas k\u00ebsaj shembjeje, shkrimtarit t\u00eb angazhuar politikisht nuk i mbetet vet\u00ebm pyetja se cil\u00ebs kauz\u00eb duhet t\u2019i p\u00ebrkushtohet, por edhe se n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb kujt flet vepra e tij.<\/p>\n Natyrisht, zgjerimi i k\u00ebtij \u201ckush\u201d-i, p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb grat\u00eb, njer\u00ebzit e racializuar dhe komunitetet queer \u2014 forma jetese p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat zakonisht shkruhej nga jasht\u00eb dhe jo nga brenda \u2014 n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb kuptimi e ka zgjeruar tradit\u00ebn e let\u00ebrsis\u00eb s\u00eb angazhuar politikisht. Megjithat\u00eb, shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e socializmit si trash\u00ebgimtar historik i universalizmit liberal ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrvoja bashk\u00ebkohore e shtypjes t\u00eb shprehet kryesisht n\u00eb terma t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb dhe individual\u00eb. Pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e let\u00ebrsis\u00eb s\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit dominohet nga \u201cun\u00eb\u201d-i: shkrimi trajtohet si nj\u00eb proces i p\u00ebrcaktimit t\u00eb identitetit t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb t\u00eb autorit, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e solidaritetit p\u00ebrtej nj\u00eb grupi t\u00eb caktuar.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr t\u2019iu p\u00ebrgjigjur pyetjes \u201cKush shkruan?\u201d, duhet t\u00eb refuzojm\u00eb si sigurin\u00eb e rreme tek universalet e vjetra, sikur ato t\u00eb njiheshin ende gjer\u00ebsisht, ashtu edhe nj\u00eb partikulariz\u00ebm t\u00eb dor\u00ebzuar, t\u00eb paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00eb p\u00ebrtej individit. Synimi \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb gjendet nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n Krizat e socializmit<\/p>\n Pak pas botimit t\u00eb librit tim \u201cT\u00eb Lir\u00eb\u201d \u2014 nj\u00eb meditim mbi lirin\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn e f\u00ebmij\u00ebris\u00eb sime n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb e fundit t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs komuniste \u2014 nj\u00eb zyrtar i lart\u00eb i shtetit shqiptar m\u00eb ftoi n\u00eb zyr\u00ebn e tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00eb uruar.<\/p>\n \u201cDuhet t\u00eb jesh krenare\u201d, m\u00eb tha, \u201cpor jo edhe aq krenare, sepse n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nuk je ti autorja.\u201d<\/p>\n E pyeta se \u00e7far\u00eb donte t\u00eb thoshte.<\/p>\n \u201cPo kush \u00ebsht\u00eb autori i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb?\u201d<\/p>\n Kjo i dha mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb jepte p\u00ebrgjigjen q\u00eb e kishte p\u00ebrgatitur paraprakisht:<\/p>\n \u201cEnver Hoxha!\u201d<\/p>\n Menj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u2019u kujtua anekdota e famshme p\u00ebr Guernica-n. Kur nj\u00eb oficer i Gestapos vizitoi apartamentin e Pikasos n\u00eb Parisin e pushtuar, tregoi me dor\u00eb nj\u00eb riprodhim t\u00eb piktur\u00ebs mbi bombardimin nazist dhe e pyeti: \u201cJu e b\u00ebt\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb?\u201d Pikasoja thuhet se iu p\u00ebrgjigj: \u201cJo, ju e b\u00ebt\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n K\u00ebtu ka di\u00e7ka thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien mes historis\u00eb dhe artit, ose mes realitetit dhe krijimtaris\u00eb. N\u00ebse realiteti shkruhet nga t\u00eb pushtetshmit, si\u00e7 dukej se sugjeronin si Pikasoja, ashtu edhe zyrtari shqiptar, artist\u00ebt t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn mund t\u00eb mprehin lentet p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilave e shohim at\u00eb: mund ta v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00ebn shqyrtim dhe t\u00eb na b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb dallojm\u00eb alternativa t\u00eb mundshme.<\/p>\n Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb roli i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb i artit n\u00eb ndarjen politike t\u00eb pun\u00ebs: ta riinterpretoj\u00eb bot\u00ebn me synimin e shprehur p\u00ebr ta ndryshuar at\u00eb. \u201cPiktura\u201d, thoshte Pikasoja, \u201cnuk b\u00ebhet p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbukuruar sht\u00ebpit\u00eb. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb arm\u00eb sulmuese dhe mbrojt\u00ebse kund\u00ebr armikut.\u201d<\/p>\n Megjithat\u00eb, nj\u00eb nga trash\u00ebgimit\u00eb e socializmit shtet\u00ebror ishte barazimi i artit t\u00eb angazhuar politikisht me besnik\u00ebrin\u00eb ideologjike. Shkrimtar\u00ebve u k\u00ebrkohej ta interpretonin bot\u00ebn jo p\u00ebr ta ndryshuar, por p\u00ebr ta ngurt\u00ebsuar dhe riprodhuar at\u00eb, p\u00ebrmes lavd\u00ebrimeve t\u00eb programuara t\u00eb \u201cpopullit\u201d, \u201cPartis\u00eb\u201d ose \u201cp\u00ebrparimit\u201d.<\/p>\n Rezultati ishte nj\u00eb kultur\u00eb ndalimesh arbitrare, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn njeriu rrezikonte vazhdimisht t\u00eb shkelte ndonj\u00eb kriter t\u00eb mjegullt t\u00eb ortodoksis\u00eb. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, romaneve u ndalohej botimi sepse personazhi kryesor ngjante tep\u00ebr me nihilist\u00ebt e Dostojevskit; pikturat ndaloheshin sepse nj\u00eb pun\u00ebtor dukej tep\u00ebr i zymt\u00eb ose sepse dielli nuk ndri\u00e7onte mjaftuesh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n Dikush mund t\u2019i hedh\u00eb posht\u00eb k\u00ebto si \u00e7\u00ebshtje pa lidhje me shqet\u00ebsimet e s\u00eb majt\u00ebs s\u00eb sotme. Por mungesa e nj\u00eb p\u00ebrballjeje serioze me k\u00ebt\u00eb tradit\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga arsyet e shumta q\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb vizioni kuptimplot\u00eb t\u00eb socializmit p\u00ebr epok\u00ebn pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb. Pa nj\u00eb vizion t\u00eb till\u00eb, mbetemi ose me nj\u00eb version t\u00eb zbutur t\u00eb socializmit, q\u00eb imiton liberalizmin progresist, ose me nj\u00eb version nostalgjik, q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb zbardh\u00eb t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn.<\/p>\n Rezultati \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb e dyfisht\u00eb e politik\u00ebs socialiste. N\u00eb ish-vendet komuniste, shumica e njer\u00ebzve e lidhin termin me p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn e jetuar t\u00eb cinizmit dhe zhg\u00ebnjimit. N\u00eb shtetet liberale, socializmi ekziston kryesisht si nj\u00eb ligj\u00ebrim filozofik me pak lidhje me praktik\u00ebn historike.<\/p>\n N\u00eb t\u00eb dyja rastet, prirja p\u00ebr t\u2019i rrafshuar nd\u00ebrlikimet e periudh\u00ebs komuniste \u2014 solidaritetin dhe shtypjen, modernizimin dhe mungesat, lirin\u00eb dhe censur\u00ebn \u2014 ka penguar zhvillimin e nj\u00eb t\u00eb majte t\u00eb aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkuar p\u00ebrtej tyre. Ajo ka penguar edhe nj\u00eb lloj t\u00eb caktuar let\u00ebrsie universale dhe t\u00eb angazhuar: nj\u00eb let\u00ebrsi q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb naive ndaj s\u00eb shkuar\u00ebs, por as e vet\u00ebk\u00ebnaqur p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen; q\u00eb i mbetet besnike shtys\u00ebs emancipuese, pa r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb karikatur\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb vrazhd\u00eb.<\/p>\n Ndoshta \u00e7el\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos lejuar q\u00eb let\u00ebrsia t\u00eb kthehet \u2014 ose t\u00eb mbetet \u2014 mjet propagande n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo projekti politik, gjendet te marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia e saj me pushtetin: a e pranon historin\u00eb ashtu si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar nga fitimtar\u00ebt, apo k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul se historia mund t\u00eb rishkruhet gjithmon\u00eb nga posht\u00eb?<\/p>\n Besoj se, pas socializmit t\u00eb shekullit XX, forma e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e pushtetit me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrballemi lidhet pik\u00ebrisht me pyetjen se kush e interpreton trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e tij dhe n\u00eb \u00e7\u2019m\u00ebnyr\u00eb.<\/p>\n Shkrimi hibrid<\/p>\n Si shkrimtare, p\u00ebrpjekjet e mia p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur si qasjen nostalgjike ndaj socializmit shtet\u00ebror, ashtu edhe p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsimin e tij reduktues nga liberalizmi, m\u00eb kan\u00eb shtyr\u00eb t\u00eb eksperimentoj me zhanrin. Kjo p\u00ebrfshin dy l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb dallueshme.<\/p>\n E para \u00ebsht\u00eb refuzimi i nj\u00eb leximi ngusht\u00ebsisht individualist t\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs personale dhe p\u00ebrdorimi i \u201cun\u00eb\u201d-it si nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dilema m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera shoq\u00ebrore. Historit\u00eb familjare, kujtimet e f\u00ebmij\u00ebris\u00eb dhe historit\u00eb e rritjes jan\u00eb shpesh vendet ku kristalizohen tensionet m\u00eb t\u00eb thella dhe ku dalin n\u00eb pah bot\u00ebkuptime q\u00eb p\u00ebrplasen mes tyre.<\/p>\n L\u00ebvizja e dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shkrimi hibrid: mjegullimi i kufijve mes kujtimeve personale, v\u00ebshtrimit historik retrospektiv dhe reflektimit filozofik. N\u00eb vepr\u00ebn time, idet\u00eb abstrakte priren t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht si korniz\u00eb e analiz\u00ebs dhe si skelet i struktur\u00ebs narrative.<\/p>\n Por, edhe pse personazhet mish\u00ebrojn\u00eb deri diku q\u00ebndrime t\u00eb ndryshme ndaj moralit dhe dinjitetit, ata nuk jan\u00eb thjesht shenja apo z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebs t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre pozicioneve. P\u00ebrmes tyre, k\u00ebto ide vihen n\u00eb prov\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb rrethanave traumatike t\u00eb historis\u00eb dhe hyjn\u00eb n\u00eb dialog me lexuesin.<\/p>\n Ndarja mes s\u00eb shkuar\u00ebs s\u00eb socializmit si nj\u00eb sistem i diskredituar dhe s\u00eb ardhmes s\u00eb tij si nj\u00eb ide e pacenuar riprodhohet shpesh edhe brenda let\u00ebrsis\u00eb, kur nj\u00ebri zhan\u00ebr zgjidhet n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb tjetrit.<\/p>\n Kujtimet e pastra e paraqesin p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn e jetuar sikur ajo t\u00eb mund ta interpretonte vetveten, sikur vuajtjet e brezave t\u00eb m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm t\u2019u kishin dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje problemeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha filozofike, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u2019i kishin hapur ato.<\/p>\n Teoria e past\u00ebr b\u00ebn gabimin e kund\u00ebrt. Ajo largohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb abstrakte nga njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb jetuan n\u00ebn doktrinat q\u00eb analizon dhe ua fsheh k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimet.<\/p>\n Asnj\u00ebra prej tyre nuk mund t\u00eb pasqyroj\u00eb me ndershm\u00ebri m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si e shkuara vazhdon t\u00eb bartet n\u00eb t\u00eb tashmen. Nj\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00eb i rritur n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend socialist nuk p\u00ebrjetonte thjesht nj\u00eb varg faktesh dhe as vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi idesh t\u00eb larta. Bota e tij ishte nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku idet\u00eb ishin shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb fakte dhe faktet ishin organizuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasqyruar idet\u00eb, deri n\u00eb at\u00eb pik\u00eb sa shpesh ishte e pamundur t\u00eb dalloje nj\u00ebr\u00ebn nga tjetra.<\/p>\n Duke k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulur se konceptet e p\u00ebrgjithshme dhe jet\u00ebt e ve\u00e7anta nuk jan\u00eb regjistra t\u00eb ndar\u00eb, por dy an\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit problem, shkrimi i angazhuar politikisht mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb form\u00ebsoj\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201ckush\u201d q\u00eb as nuk e redukton subjektin letrar tek individi, as nuk e tret at\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb rr\u00ebfim t\u00eb pap\u00ebrcaktuar dhe pa fytyr\u00eb.<\/p>\n Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb detyra q\u00eb u mbetet trash\u00ebgimtar\u00ebve t\u00eb Sartrit.<\/p>\n Plot\u00ebsimi i boshll\u00ebqeve<\/p>\n Nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim qendror k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta n\u00eb histori, si n\u00eb nivelin personal, ashtu edhe n\u00eb at\u00eb strukturor. Dokumentet historike jan\u00eb t\u00eb besueshme vet\u00ebm aq sa jan\u00eb t\u00eb besueshme mjetet p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilave ato na jan\u00eb transmetuar.<\/p>\n P\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur qasje t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb pand\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar tek e shkuara, ose trajtimi i arkivit si nj\u00eb rezervuar njohurish t\u00eb paanshme, rrezikon ta p\u00ebrforcoj\u00eb ideologjin\u00eb mbizot\u00ebruese: rr\u00ebfimin e shkruar nga fitimtar\u00ebt.<\/p>\n Megjithat\u00eb, duke l\u00ebvizur nga p\u00ebrvoja e jetuar drejt filozofis\u00eb dhe m\u00eb pas s\u00ebrish tek p\u00ebrvoja, let\u00ebrsia mund t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb mund ta quanim \u201chistori hamend\u00ebsuese\u201d \u2014 ose histori me nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim moral.<\/p>\n Kur historia shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb rr\u00ebfim p\u00ebrmes imagjinat\u00ebs letrare, ajo shkon p\u00ebrtej paraqitjes s\u00eb thjesht\u00eb t\u00eb fakteve dhe ofron nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrperspektiv\u00eb ndaj pushtetit. Duke pyetur se cilat z\u00ebra jan\u00eb fshir\u00eb nga dokumentet dhe p\u00ebrse, let\u00ebrsia arrin n\u00eb nj\u00eb rind\u00ebrtim filozofik t\u00eb historis\u00eb, t\u00eb v\u00ebmendsh\u00ebm ndaj heshtjeve, mbulimeve dhe kund\u00ebrth\u00ebnieve t\u00eb rr\u00ebfimit zyrtar: ndaj boshll\u00ebqeve q\u00eb duhen plot\u00ebsuar.<\/p>\n Ky lexim hamend\u00ebsues i historis\u00eb e trajton at\u00eb gjithashtu si nj\u00eb terren konflikti moral. N\u00eb teorin\u00eb e Friedrich Schiller-it mbi \u201cedukimin estetik\u201d, arti b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr ta larguar njeriun nga nj\u00eb jet\u00eb thjesht shqisore dhe p\u00ebr ta orientuar drejt nj\u00eb morali m\u00eb t\u00eb kultivuar.<\/p>\n Kjo nuk n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb moraliz\u00ebm t\u00eb mbyllur, t\u00eb lidhur pas disa parimeve t\u00eb ngurta, por nj\u00eb proces kolektiv t\u00eb k\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, i cili p\u00ebrfshin krijimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me njer\u00ebzit e tjer\u00eb: daljen jasht\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimit ton\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb hyr\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimin e tyre.<\/p>\n Kur reflekton mbi t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn, Schiller-i \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pak i interesuar t\u00eb zbuloj\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb historike t\u00eb humbur sesa t\u00eb gjej\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrime t\u00eb ndryshme, q\u00eb na ndihmojn\u00eb t\u00eb dallojm\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat e koh\u00ebs son\u00eb. Nj\u00eb let\u00ebrsi e udh\u00ebhequr nga kjo filozofi do t\u2019i p\u00ebrdorte k\u00ebto perspektiva p\u00ebr t\u2019i ndihmuar si autorin, ashtu edhe lexuesin, t\u00eb \u00e7liroheshin nga grabitjet dhe dhuna e s\u00eb tashmes.<\/p>\n Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, m\u00ebnyra se si e rr\u00ebfejm\u00eb socializmin shtet\u00ebror ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb majt\u00ebn bashk\u00ebkohore. Asnj\u00ebri prej dy rr\u00ebfimeve mbizot\u00ebruese mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb produktiv.<\/p>\n Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb kemi rr\u00ebfimin liberal, sipas t\u00eb cilit komunizmi ishte nga fillimi n\u00eb fund nj\u00eb katastrof\u00eb totalitare dhe \u00e7do aspirat\u00eb emancipuese e shekullit XX ishte vet\u00ebm shenja e hershme e katastrof\u00ebs q\u00eb do t\u00eb pasonte.<\/p>\n Nga ana tjet\u00ebr kemi pik\u00ebpamjen mbrojt\u00ebse, sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs socializmi shtet\u00ebror ishte nj\u00eb shtremb\u00ebrim ose tradhti ndaj nj\u00eb modeli q\u00eb mendohet se mbetet filozofikisht i paprekur.<\/p>\n T\u00eb dyja rr\u00ebfimet kan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn struktur\u00eb: ato mbrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion filozofik, duke refuzuar t\u00eb merren me jet\u00ebt e njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb cil\u00ebve u p\u00ebrkiste realisht ai shekull.<\/p>\n M\u00ebnyra hamend\u00ebsuese e Schiller-it b\u00ebn di\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr. Ajo e rihap t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn si nj\u00eb terren q\u00eb vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb moralisht i diskutuesh\u00ebm, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb ta mbyll\u00eb si asgj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa kasaphana e historis\u00eb.<\/p>\n Rind\u00ebrtimi i s\u00eb majt\u00ebs bashk\u00ebkohore ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn pjes\u00ebrisht, me rikthimin e k\u00ebsaj qasjeje: t\u00eb m\u00ebsojm\u00eb t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr lirin\u00eb, barazin\u00eb dhe dinjitetin, pa qen\u00eb t\u00eb detyruar t\u00eb mohojm\u00eb njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb, n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb cilat nuk i kishin zgjedhur vet\u00eb, u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn t\u00eb jetonin sipas k\u00ebtyre fjal\u00ebve.<\/p>\n Rikthimi i Iluminizmit<\/p>\n Let\u00ebrsia e angazhuar politikisht \u00ebsht\u00eb, pra, n\u00eb thelb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkim p\u00ebr aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e njeriut p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr ta rind\u00ebrtuar \u201ckush\u201d-in e pyetjes \u201cKush shkruan?\u201d pas k\u00ebsaj shembjeje historike \u2014 jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb liris\u00eb si ideal, por edhe t\u00eb procesit material q\u00eb supozohej se do ta realizonte at\u00eb: dialektik\u00ebs mes pun\u00ebs dhe kapitalit, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn fitorja e s\u00eb par\u00ebs mbi t\u00eb dytin do t\u00eb sh\u00ebnonte p\u00ebrmbushjen e nj\u00eb misioni universal.<\/p>\n N\u00eb let\u00ebrsi, ashtu si n\u00eb historin\u00eb hamend\u00ebsuese, lexuesi nuk e takon nj\u00eb personazh thjesht si individ, por si nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim t\u00eb njer\u00ebzimit n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n Ose, m\u00eb sakt\u00eb, lexuesi ndeshet me nj\u00eb ideal t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve njer\u00ebzore, ku shkrimi dhe leximi jan\u00eb mjetet universale p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilave mund t\u00eb shprehim p\u00ebrvojat tona pashmangshm\u00ebrisht t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta dhe historikisht t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuara.<\/p>\n Paradoksi \u00ebsht\u00eb se, teksa p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb ve\u00e7antin\u00eb e jet\u00ebve tona, let\u00ebrsia na drejton nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht drejt asaj q\u00eb ato mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, ajo na ndihmon t\u00eb p\u00ebrfytyrojm\u00eb rilindjen e nj\u00eb subjekti kolektiv.<\/p>\n Duke u mb\u00ebshtetur tek e shkuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb sfiduar tmerret e s\u00eb tashmes, let\u00ebrsia b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb projekt bashk\u00ebpunues q\u00eb kap\u00ebrcen hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn dhe koh\u00ebn. Angazhimi kritik i shkrimtar\u00ebve dhe lexuesve me bot\u00ebn u lejon atyre t\u00eb dallojn\u00eb, qoft\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u00e7ast, nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme t\u00eb liris\u00eb s\u00eb ardhshme.<\/p>\n Kjo m\u00eb rikthen te Pikasoja. P\u00ebrgjigjja q\u00eb ai i dha oficerit t\u00eb Gestapos ishte nj\u00eb koment mbi kushtet shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat lind arti, mbi aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e tij p\u00ebr t\u2019i pasqyruar k\u00ebto kushte dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme rezistence.<\/p>\n \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj i \u00e7uditsh\u00ebm arme, sepse fuqia e saj varet t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht nga bashkimi i artistit me publikun n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb nj\u00eb gjuhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, t\u00eb aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shprehur forma t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb shtypjes.<\/p>\n N\u00eb vitin 2026, n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur librat ndalohen, gazetar\u00ebt vriten, universitetet n\u00ebnshtrohen dhe nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e asaj q\u00eb dikur quhej sfera publike \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7montuar ose privatizuar, t\u00eb praktikosh art t\u00eb angazhuar politikisht do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u2019i rikthehesh k\u00ebsaj lufte t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfunduar p\u00ebr universalen, e cila dikur njihej me emrin Iluminiz\u00ebm.<\/p>\n Do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb luftosh kund\u00ebr dogmatizmit dhe autoritarizmit q\u00eb shtremb\u00ebrojn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien ton\u00eb me t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn, si dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00ebsh mjetet e edukimit estetik p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur gabimet e saj.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Let\u00ebrsia universale gjendet e rrezikuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku idet\u00eb moderne t\u00eb liris\u00eb dhe barazis\u00eb e kan\u00eb humbur fuqin\u00eb e tyre. Kriza e saj pasqyron kriz\u00ebn e s\u00eb majt\u00ebs. Nga Lea Ypi, Tribune UK \u00c7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb let\u00ebrsia e angazhuar politikisht? Si\u00e7 v\u00ebrente Jean-Paul Sartre m\u00eb 1947, kjo pyetje mund t\u00eb ndahet n\u00eb tri t\u00eb pjes\u00eb: […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-95573","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/95573","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=95573"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/95573\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=95573"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=95573"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=95573"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}