Nga Lutfi Dervishi <\/p>\n
Tridhjet\u00eb dit\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftueshme q\u00eb nj\u00eb qeveri t\u00eb absorboj\u00eb, neutralizoj\u00eb, ose t\u00eb negocioj\u00eb me nj\u00eb val\u00eb presioni qytetar. Kjo nuk ka ndodhur sepse nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb thjesht me kund\u00ebrshtimin e nj\u00eb projekti, por me nj\u00eb gjyq publik ndaj nj\u00eb modeli qeveris\u00ebs ku vendimmarrja arbitrare dhe kapitalizmi klientelist kan\u00eb hasur n\u00eb nj\u00eb rezistenc\u00eb q\u00eb pushteti as e parashikoi, as nuk di ende ta menaxhoj\u00eb.
\nMegjithat\u00eb, pas nj\u00eb muaji, edhe vet\u00eb l\u00ebvizja p\u00ebrballet me pyetjen e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb: Po m\u00eb pas?
\nEdhe n\u00ebse ky cik\u00ebl manifestimesh (nga m\u00eb paq\u00ebsor\u00ebt n\u00eb kontinent) do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonte sot, ka tre gj\u00ebra q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb fshihen.
\nE para: Esht\u00eb rr\u00ebzuar miti i apatis\u00eb shqiptare. N\u00eb fakt \u00e7far\u00eb u rr\u00ebzua nuk ishte apatia, por mosbesimi te nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsit tradicional\u00eb, partit\u00eb, e deri diku dhe mediat. Duke dal\u00eb n\u00eb shesh pa struktura partie dhe pa lider formal, kjo l\u00ebvizje u rreshtua n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn linj\u00eb me protest\u00ebn kund\u00ebr arm\u00ebve kimike t\u00eb 2013-\u00ebs dhe revolt\u00ebn studentore t\u00eb 2018-\u00ebs. T\u00eb tria u ndez\u00ebn kur kauza tejkaloi llogaritjet elektorale. T\u00eb tria treguan se qytetar\u00ebt mobilizohen vet\u00ebm kur nuk shohin nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebs t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm.
\nE dyta: Narrativa nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare mbi Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb. P\u00ebr vite me radh\u00eb vendi \u00ebsht\u00eb identifikuar kryesisht me emigracionin, korrupsionin ose krimin e organizuar. Protesta krijoi nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr narrativ\u00eb: nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri civile q\u00eb mobilizohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb paq\u00ebsore p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur interesin publik. Lidhja e kauz\u00ebs ekologjike me kapitalin global (Familja e Presidentit Trump) e nxori debatin nga provinca dhe e b\u00ebri t\u00eb lexuesh\u00ebm n\u00eb gazetat britanike, gjermane e franceze. Por dihet q\u00eb v\u00ebmendja nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare me po aq leht\u00ebsi q\u00eb kaloi nga Teherani n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, me po at\u00eb leht\u00ebsi edhe ik\u00ebn.<\/p>\n
E treta: protesta pa dirigjent. Sistemi \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebsuar t\u00eb negocioj\u00eb me koka l\u00ebvizjesh , (m\u00eb sakt\u00eb t\u2019i korruptoj\u00eb ato). Mungesa e nj\u00eb lideri t\u00eb vet\u00ebm e b\u00ebri l\u00ebvizjen t\u00eb pakapur, por e ka l\u00ebn\u00eb pa z\u00eb negociator. Kur askush nuk flet n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb sheshit, pushteti fiton alibin\u00eb e p\u00ebrhershme: \u201cnuk kemi me k\u00eb t\u00eb dialogojm\u00eb\u201d<\/p>\n
Mungesa e lidershipit ka dy an\u00eb: Autenticiteti, pakapja, pakorruptuesh\u00ebmria, por ana tjet\u00ebr, nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje pa struktur\u00eb negociuese nuk mund ta kthej\u00eb presionin moral n\u00eb rezultat institucional. \u00c7do protest\u00eb jeton nga kapitali moral, por ky kapital, ndryshe nga ai financiar, nuk prodhon interesa pa fund. N\u00ebse nuk shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb rezultat politik ose institucional, ai nis konsumimin. Kur sheshi zbrazet, dhe do t\u00eb zbrazet, n\u00ebse jo sot, nes\u00ebr apo pasnes\u00ebr, frika \u00ebsht\u00eb se mos energjia e shpenzuar t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjim. Sidoqoft\u00eb, pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsia n\u00eb shesh, tregon q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb shp\u00ebrfill\u00ebsh m\u00eb njer\u00ebzit. Mungesa e lidershipit n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb rr\u00ebzon edhe teorit\u00eb e konspiracionit se ka \u201cnj\u00eb dor\u00eb\u201d q\u00eb i organizon. (Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb Irani, Greqia, Kosova, Turqia, por Pak\u00ebnaqesia)<\/p>\n
Diaspora p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb element t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm simbolik dhe moral. Por duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb hapur: sistemi e ka kalkuluar diaspor\u00ebn prej dekadash, p\u00ebr vota, p\u00ebr remitanca, dhe retorik\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. Prania fizike n\u00eb shesh \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb zhvillim i ri dhe me pesh\u00eb simbolike. Por q\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb llogarit\u00eb e pushtetit, disapora duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb faktor i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe jo val\u00eb mobilizimi.
\nE nj\u00ebjta logjik\u00eb vlen edhe p\u00ebr krahasimin me 2013-\u00ebn dhe 2018-\u00ebn. Ato dy l\u00ebvizje provuan se protesta mund t\u00eb masivizohet. Por provuan edhe di\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr, q\u00eb shpesh lihet pa u th\u00ebn\u00eb: se ndezja pa transformim institucional prodhon zhg\u00ebnjim, e zhg\u00ebnjimi prodhon apati edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb.
\nN\u00ebse edhe kjo val\u00eb e tret\u00eb mbyllet pa asnj\u00eb rezultat konkret dhe t\u00eb verifikuesh\u00ebm, kostoja nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb thjesht d\u00ebshtimi i k\u00ebsaj l\u00ebvizjeje, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb d\u00ebmtimi i besimit te protesta si mjet ndryshimi.<\/p>\n
Dilemat e sistemit<\/p>\n
Strategjia klasike e sistemit ka qen\u00eb \u201clodhja\u201d. \u201cBashk\u00ebekzistenc\u00eb paq\u00ebsore me protest\u00ebn. Ne qeverisim, ju protestoni.\u201d E ka aplikuar dy her\u00eb me sukses t\u00eb pjessh\u00ebm. Por sot ka nj\u00eb ndryshim strukturor. P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb protesta dhe kalendari europian ecin paralelisht. Kjo nuk garanton ndryshimin, por b\u00ebn shum\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb kthimin n\u00eb normalitetin e vjet\u00ebr.
\nN\u00ebse pas tri val\u00ebve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha qytetare n\u00eb 13 vjet, 2013, 2018, 2026, m\u00ebnyra e vetme e elit\u00ebs mbetet injorimi taktik, diagnoza b\u00ebhet e pashmangshme: nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb sistemi q\u00eb i reziston l\u00ebvizjeve qytetare, por l\u00ebvizjet qytetare q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb gjetur ende mekanizmin p\u00ebr ta detyruar sistemin t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb. Ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb faj i sheshit, sepse p\u00ebrball\u00eb ka nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb pushteti t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar me kujdes. Ajo nuk k\u00ebrkon vet\u00ebm energji m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe.
\nN\u00ebse kjo protest\u00eb do t\u00eb mbahet mend si kthes\u00eb, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb sepse prodhoi di\u00e7ka konkrete dhe t\u00eb verifikueshme pas presionit t\u00eb ushtruar. N\u00ebse do t\u00eb mbahet mend p\u00ebr d\u00ebshtimin nga lodhja apo k\u00ebrkesat naive, at\u00ebher\u00eb sistemi do t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb jo duke kund\u00ebrshtuar e dhunuar, por duke duruar.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb fund, nuk do t\u00eb vendos\u00eb as vet\u00ebm sheshi dhe as vet\u00ebm qeveria. Do ta vendos\u00eb aft\u00ebsia e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb aktor\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00ebsuar nga muaji Qershor. Sheshi duhet t\u00eb gjej\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si ta kthej\u00eb energjin\u00eb morale n\u00eb rezultat politik. Sistemi duhet t\u00eb kuptoj\u00eb se nj\u00eb protest\u00eb mund ta lodh\u00ebsh, por nuk mund ta zhb\u00ebsh pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb e ka prodhuar. N\u00ebse nj\u00ebra pal\u00eb vazhdon t\u00eb veproj\u00eb me emocion dhe tjetra vet\u00ebm me llogari, fituesi afatshkurt\u00ebr mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb sistemi. Humb\u00ebsi afatgjat\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb besimi i qytetar\u00ebve se ndryshimi \u00ebsht\u00eb i mundur\u2026<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Nga Lutfi Dervishi Tridhjet\u00eb dit\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftueshme q\u00eb nj\u00eb qeveri t\u00eb absorboj\u00eb, neutralizoj\u00eb, ose t\u00eb negocioj\u00eb me nj\u00eb val\u00eb presioni qytetar. Kjo nuk ka ndodhur sepse nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb thjesht me kund\u00ebrshtimin e nj\u00eb projekti, por me nj\u00eb gjyq publik ndaj nj\u00eb modeli qeveris\u00ebs ku vendimmarrja arbitrare dhe kapitalizmi klientelist kan\u00eb hasur n\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-92983","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/92983","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=92983"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/92983\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=92983"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=92983"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=92983"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}