Nga L\u00e1szl\u00f3 Bruszt, Project Syndicate<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr 16 vjet, Hungaria e Viktor Orbanit ishte kthyer n\u00eb simbolin e ides\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese se \u201cdemorkacit\u00eb joliberale\u201d mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme dhe t\u2019i hedhin rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt thell\u00eb brenda pushtetit. Duke kombinuar dominimin electoral me dob\u00ebsimin sistematik t\u00eb kontrolleve dhe balancave institucionale, dukej sikur Orbani kishte arritur t\u00eb zgjidhte nj\u00eb nga dilemat qendrore t\u00eb autoritarizmit bashk\u00ebkohor: si t\u00eb fitosh vazhdimisht n\u00eb zgjedhje, teksa g\u00ebrryen demokracin\u00eb liberale. Dhe meqen\u00ebse modeli i tij frym\u00ebzoi admirues kudo n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim (dhe p\u00ebrtej tij), duke ndihmuar n\u00eb mbajtjen n\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb t\u00eb narrativ\u00ebs s\u00eb bjerrjes demokratike, mposhtja e tij posht\u00ebruese n\u00eb zgjedhje mbart implikime q\u00eb shkojn\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb p\u00ebrtej Hungaris\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Fitorja e partis\u00eb Tisza t\u00eb Peter Magyar, sikund\u00ebr edhe triumfi i Koalicionit Qytetar kund\u00ebr partis\u00eb jolbierale Koalicioni p\u00ebr Ligj dhe Drejt\u00ebsi n\u00eb Poloni m\u00eb 2023-shin, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson jo vet\u00ebm sprapsjen e nj\u00eb sistemi n\u00eb dukje t\u00eb konsoliduar, por sinjalizon gjithashtu edhe se regjime t\u00eb tilla mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb brishta ng asa duken. M\u00ebsmi k\u00ebtu nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht q\u00eb regjimet joliberale mund t\u00eb humbasin, por se vet\u00eb logjika q\u00eb i mban n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb mund t\u00eb \u00e7doj\u00eb n\u00eb zhb\u00ebrjen e tyre.<\/p>\n
Prej koh\u00ebsh udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit joliberal\u00eb e kan\u00eb justifikuar p\u00ebrqendrimin e pushtetit nga ana e tyre duek sjell\u00eb n\u00eb v\u00ebmendje sukseset e shteteve zhvillimore t\u00eb Azis\u00eb Lindore. Duke dob\u00ebsuar kufizimet institucionale, argumentojn\u00eb ata, qeverit\u00eb mund t\u00eb veprojn\u00eb m\u00eb me vendosm\u00ebri, duke koordinuar investimet dhe arritur rritje ekonomike.<\/p>\n
Por kjo analogji ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb disi mashtruese. Regjime si ai i Park Chung-Hee n\u00eb Koren\u00eb e Jugut, apo ai i Lee Kuan Ye\u00eb n\u00eb Singapor nuk ishin efi\u00e7ent\u00eb sepse p\u00ebrballeshin me m\u00eb pak kufizime, por sepse p\u00ebrballeshin me m\u00eb tep\u00ebr presion. Pasigurit\u00eb gjeopolitike dhe rreziku konstant i trazirave t\u00eb brendshme i detyruan ata t\u00eb arrinin rezultate t\u00eb gjera, ose p\u00ebrndryshe t\u00eb rrezikonin r\u00ebnien. Kufizimi i llogaridh\u00ebnies n\u00eb k\u00ebto raste nuk prodhoi vet\u00ebk\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi, por disiplin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht, efikasiteti i kapaciteteve shtet\u00ebrore varet nga kufizimet q\u00eb disiplinojn\u00eb ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet. Kjo mond t\u00eb marr\u00eb trajta t\u00eb ndryshme. N\u00eb demokracit\u00eb liberale jan\u00eb kontrollet dhe balancat kushtetuese q\u00eb e imponojn\u00eb nj\u00eb disiplin\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb. N\u00eb autokraci zhvillimore, ajo garantohet nga brisht\u00ebsia e jashtme dhe e brendshme.<\/p>\n
Regjimet joliberale bashk\u00ebkohore operojn\u00eb n\u00eb rrethana krejt t\u00eb ndryshme. N\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb presioneve t\u00eb krahasueshme me ato q\u00eb u p\u00ebrball\u00ebn Park dhe Lee, dob\u00ebsimi i llogaridh\u00ebnies nuk prodhon kapacitet zhvillimor. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb saj krijon mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr \u201ck\u00ebrkim qiraje.\u201d Pushteti shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb burim p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur koalicionet politike dhe jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur t\u00eb mira publike. Nj\u00eb strategji q\u00eb supozohet t\u00eb forcoj\u00eb kapacitetet shtet\u00ebrore, shnd\u00ebrrohet k\u00ebshtu n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem shp\u00ebrndarjeje selektive.<\/p>\n
Me kalimin e koh\u00ebs kjo logjik\u00eb g\u00ebrryen themelet ekonomike t\u00eb sundimit joliberal. Kur besnik\u00ebria politike kthehet n\u00eb kriterin primar p\u00ebr shp\u00ebrndarjen e burimeve, efikasiteti dhe inovacioni vuajn\u00eb. Prokurimet publike shp\u00ebrblejn\u00eb ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb lidhje me pushtetin dhe jo firmat m\u00eb productive. Sip\u00ebrmarr\u00ebsit vendas p\u00ebrballen me korrupsion, pasiguri dhe mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb kufizuara zgjerimi. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, strategjit\u00eb e rritjes t\u00eb bazuara tek investimet e huaja direkte gjenerojn\u00eb pun\u00ebsim, por shpesh nuk arrijn\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb rezultate positive t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme.<\/p>\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo \u00e7far\u00eb i ndodhi Hungaris\u00eb n\u00ebn pushtetin e Orbanit. Bashk\u00eb me dob\u00ebsimin e performanc\u00ebs ekonomike t\u00eb vendit, u dob\u00ebsua edhe aft\u00ebsia e regjimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb koalicionin e vet mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebs. Rritja m\u00eb e ngadalt\u00eb ngushtoi baz\u00ebn e taksave dhe reduktoi burimet e lira p\u00ebr rishp\u00ebrndarje. Investimet n\u00eb arsim, sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsi dhe mobilitet social mbet\u00ebn n\u00eb stanjacion. Hungarez\u00ebt po e p\u00ebrjetonin si sistem mbylljeje at\u00eb q\u00eb iu ishte paraqitur fillimisht si sistem stabiliteti. Segmente t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb forc\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore u p\u00ebrball\u00ebn me mund\u00ebsi m\u00eb t\u00eb pak\u00ebta pun\u00ebsimi, rroga t\u00eb pandryshuara dhe mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb kufizuara p\u00ebr avancim.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb Orbanit, k\u00ebto dinamika t\u00eb brendshme u maskuan pjes\u00ebrisht nga transfertat financiare nga Bashkimi Europian. Por aksesi n\u00eb k\u00ebto burime u b\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i kusht\u00ebzuar duke k\u00ebrkuar transparenc\u00eb nga qeveria dhe pavar\u00ebsi t\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsorit, pik\u00ebrisht dy format e llogaridh\u00ebnies t\u00eb cilave Orbani iu b\u00ebri rezistenc\u00eb. Rezultat i k\u00ebsaj ishte nj\u00eb kufizim i vet\u00ebimponuar: duke refuzuar mbik\u00ebqyrjen nga jasht\u00eb, regjimi praktikisht kufizoi aksesin e tij n\u00eb fonde dhe financim.<\/p>\n
Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7udi q\u00eb, teksa kufizime t\u00eb tilla erdh\u00ebn duke u shtuar, Orbani u drejtua nga partner edhe m\u00eb joliberal\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshi k\u00ebtut Rusin\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebn, duke shk\u00ebmbyer autonomin\u00eb rregullatore p\u00ebr forma t\u00eb reja var\u00ebsie gjeopolitike. K\u00ebshtu, nj\u00eb projekt q\u00eb nisi n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb sovranitetit, rrezikoi t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonte n\u00eb vulnerabilitet edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb madh.<\/p>\n
M\u00eb gjer\u00ebsisht, Orbani ka treguar se edhe sisteme shum\u00eb t\u00eb kapura mund t\u00eb ekspozohen politikisht. Vet\u00eb mekanizmat q\u00eb mund\u00ebsuan sundimin e tij joliberal munden q\u00eb, me kalimin e koh\u00ebs, t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb burime dob\u00ebsie.<\/p>\n
Modeli i Hungaris\u00eb u mb\u00ebshtet n\u00eb nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb t\u00eb brisht\u00eb firmash nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, elitash vendase t\u00eb lidhura me politik\u00ebn, dhe votuesish t\u00eb cil\u00ebve iu premtua stabilitet dhe p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsim. Por, nd\u00ebrsa rritja ekonomike u ngadal\u00ebsua, tensionet brenda k\u00ebsaj aleance erdh\u00ebn duke u rritur. Bizneset vendase kishin m\u00eb pak mund\u00ebsi, nd\u00ebrsa votuesit u p\u00ebrball\u00ebn me p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsim t\u00eb kushteve t\u00eb jetes\u00ebs dhe bllokim t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes.<\/p>\n
Mposhtja e Orbanit u b\u00eb e mundur n\u00eb momentin kur pak\u00ebnaqsia takoi organizimin \u2013 kur nj\u00eb sfidant i besuesh\u00ebm bashkoi votuesit e p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb, duke e kthyer zem\u00ebrimin e tyre n\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrje. Aty ku forcat opozitare tradicionale ishin t\u00eb dob\u00ebta apo t\u00eb diskredituara, kjo k\u00ebrkoi lidership t\u00eb aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb transformuar zem\u00ebrimin shoq\u00ebror n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje politike me baz\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat mobilizuan p\u00ebrtej ndasive klasore dhe institucionale.<\/p>\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo \u00e7far\u00eb Magyar dhe partia e tij Tisza arrit\u00ebn. P\u00ebr vite me radh\u00eb, Hungaria sh\u00ebrbeu si prov\u00eb se bjerrja demokratike mund t\u00eb institucionalizohej dhe mbahej gjall\u00eb brenda korniz\u00ebs zgjedhjeve formale. Por fitorja vendimtare e Magyarit tregon di\u00e7ka po aq t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme: q\u00eb sisteme t\u00eb tilla nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb pakthyeshme.<\/p>\n
Megjithat\u00eb, mposhtja e Orbanit, ashtu sikurse mposhtja e partis\u00eb PiS n\u00eb Poloni tri vite m\u00eb par\u00eb, nuk sh\u00ebnon fundin e joliberalizmit. Rrethanat strukturore q\u00eb ushqyen fuqizimin e tij \u2013 pasiguria ekonomike, fragmentarizimi i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb dhe mosbesimi politik \u2013 vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb demokraci. Por r\u00ebnia e Orbanit sfidon ndjesin\u00eb e pashmangshm\u00ebris\u00eb q\u00eb shoq\u00ebronte largimin e bot\u00ebs nga demokracia liberale.<\/p>\n
Tani fillon detyra m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb: zhb\u00ebrja e sistemeve t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosura thell\u00eb t\u00eb patronazhimit, rivendosja e autonomis\u00eb institucionale dhe rind\u00ebrtimi i kapaciteteve shtet\u00ebrore, pa riprodhuar d\u00ebshtimet q\u00eb mund\u00ebsuan rritjen e joliberalizmit. Magyarit do t\u2019i duhet gjithashtu t\u00eb rip\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb se si do t\u00eb ndiqen interesat komb\u00ebtare brenda Bashkimit Europain \u2013 forcimi i zonave elektorale vendase, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb nd\u00ebrton aleanca transnacionale t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr t\u00eb avancuar forma integrimi m\u00eb t\u00eb thella dhe m\u00eb resistente.<\/p>\n
Mposhtja e joliberalizmit n\u00eb kutin\u00eb e votimit ishte e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Por nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb demokracie liberale resistente \u2013 t\u00eb aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb sjell\u00eb llogaridh\u00ebnie dhe p\u00ebrfshirje \u2013 mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, nj\u00eb gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e sigurt\u00eb: demokracit\u00eb, si ato aleate ashtu edhe ato armike, do ta v\u00ebshgojn\u00eb nga af\u00ebr situat\u00ebn n\u00eb Hungari.<\/p>\n
L\u00e1szl\u00f3 Bruszt \u00ebsht\u00eb Profesor i Shkencave Politike pran\u00eb Central European University dhe ka sh\u00ebrbyer si Rektor dhe President i tij n\u00eb 1996-97.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Nga L\u00e1szl\u00f3 Bruszt, Project Syndicate P\u00ebr 16 vjet, Hungaria e Viktor Orbanit ishte kthyer n\u00eb simbolin e ides\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese se \u201cdemorkacit\u00eb joliberale\u201d mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme dhe t\u2019i hedhin rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt thell\u00eb brenda pushtetit. Duke kombinuar dominimin electoral me dob\u00ebsimin sistematik t\u00eb kontrolleve dhe balancave institucionale, dukej sikur Orbani kishte arritur t\u00eb zgjidhte nj\u00eb nga […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-81772","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/81772","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=81772"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/81772\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=81772"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=81772"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=81772"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}