M\u00eb 12 prill, Hungaria p\u00ebrballet me zgjedhjet e saj m\u00eb vendimtare parlamentare q\u00eb nga koha kur regjimi komunist i Hungaris\u00eb dha dor\u00ebheqjen vullnetarisht n\u00eb vitet 1989\/90. Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse kryeministri hungarez Viktor Orban dhe qeveria e tij mund t\u00eb rr\u00ebzohen me vot\u00eb apo jo. P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00eb nga viti 2010, ekziston nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi reale q\u00eb nj\u00eb parti opozitare \u2013 partia konservatore Tisza e udh\u00ebhequr nga sfiduesi kryesor i Orbanit, Peter Magyar \u2013 t\u00eb mund t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb Hungari , zgjedhjet po shihen si nj\u00eb moment i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb historin\u00eb moderne t\u00eb vendit. Ato gjithashtu mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb si t\u00eb ardhmen e Bashkimit Evropian, ashtu edhe t\u00eb luajn\u00eb nj\u00eb rol n\u00eb at\u00eb se sa Rusia mund t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb n\u00eb bllok n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>\n
Si e ka transformuar Orbani Hungarin\u00eb?
\nPas fitores s\u00eb tij t\u00eb par\u00eb zgjedhore me nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb prej dy t\u00eb tretash n\u00eb pranver\u00ebn e vitit 2010, Orban njoftoi nj\u00eb Sistem Bashk\u00ebpunimi Komb\u00ebtar (NER) dhe orkestroi nj\u00eb riorganizim t\u00eb elit\u00ebs n\u00eb aparatin shtet\u00ebror, administrativ dhe gjyq\u00ebsor, si dhe n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimin civil, duke mbushur pozicionet ky\u00e7e me besnik\u00ebt e tij. Q\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb, Hungaria \u00ebsht\u00eb transformuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet ultra t\u00eb centralizuar.<\/p>\n
Orbani ka dob\u00ebsuar gjithashtu sistemin e kontrolleve dhe balancave dhe k\u00ebshtu mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e kund\u00ebrshtimit t\u00eb pushtetit. Shumica e mediave t\u00eb shkruara dhe audiovizuale jan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00ebn kontrollin e qeveris\u00eb, qoft\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt ose t\u00ebrthorazi p\u00ebrmes kompanive dhe fondacioneve t\u00eb lidhura me partin\u00eb Fidesz t\u00eb Orbanit; autonomia e universiteteve \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7montuar; dhe nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e konsiderueshme e aseteve shtet\u00ebrore dhe publike \u00ebsht\u00eb vendosur n\u00ebn kontrollin e fondacioneve t\u00eb lidhura me Orbanin. Ekspert\u00ebt e p\u00ebrshkruajn\u00eb Hungarin\u00eb e sotme si nj\u00eb \u201csistem hibrid\u201d t\u00eb vendosur midis demokracis\u00eb dhe diktatur\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Pse shum\u00eb hungarez\u00eb duan nj\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb?
\nPolitikat ekonomike dhe tatimore t\u00eb Orbanit kan\u00eb favorizuar baz\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme t\u00eb lart\u00eb, por situata financiare e shum\u00eb hungarez\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsuar vitet e fundit, ashtu si edhe infrastruktura publike, kujdesi sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor dhe arsimi. Ekziston nj\u00eb pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi e p\u00ebrhapur me korrupsionin shtet\u00ebror dhe rastet flagrante t\u00eb pasurimit t\u00eb paligjsh\u00ebm. Shum\u00eb hungarez\u00eb jan\u00eb gjithashtu t\u00eb lodhur nga atmosfera e luft\u00ebs civile verbale q\u00eb Orbani ka krijuar, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb portretizimi i Ukrain\u00ebs si \u201ckeqb\u00ebr\u00ebs\u201d n\u00eb luft\u00ebn me Rusin\u00eb, ose shpifja e vazhdueshme e kritik\u00ebve t\u00eb tij si armiq dhe \u201ctradhtar\u00eb t\u00eb atdheut\u201d.<\/p>\n
Pse jan\u00eb zgjedhjet kaq t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn?
\nQ\u00ebllimi i deklaruar i Orbanit \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cpushtoj\u00eb Brukselin \u201d dhe ta transformoj\u00eb BE-n\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb konfederat\u00eb shtetesh komb\u00ebtare politikisht sovrane q\u00eb ndajn\u00eb interesa t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta ekonomike. Kryeministri i Hungaris\u00eb ka sulmuar ashp\u00ebr bllokun p\u00ebr vite me radh\u00eb dhe, p\u00ebrmes vetos dhe refuzimit t\u00eb tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur vendimet ky\u00e7e n\u00eb lidhje me BE-n\u00eb dhe politik\u00ebn e jashtme , ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb praktikisht t\u00eb paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar. Nj\u00eb fitore tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr Orbanin do ta dob\u00ebsonte m\u00eb tej BE-n\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa nj\u00eb ndryshim pushteti n\u00eb kryeqytetin hungarez Budapest do t\u00eb kontribuonte n\u00eb forcimin p\u00ebrs\u00ebri t\u00eb bllokut.<\/p>\n
Pse jan\u00eb kaq t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme zgjedhjet p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb?
\nAsnj\u00eb shtet tjet\u00ebr an\u00ebtar i BE-s\u00eb nuk ka lidhje kaq t\u00eb ngushta me Rusin\u00eb sa Hungaria e Orbanit. Edhe pse ai ka miratuar shumic\u00ebn e sanksioneve t\u00eb bllokut kund\u00ebr Rusis\u00eb pas aneksimit t\u00eb Krimes\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2014, q\u00eb nga pushtimi i plot\u00eb i Ukrain\u00ebs n\u00eb vitin 2022, ai ka k\u00ebrkuar vazhdimisht q\u00eb ato t\u00eb hiqen, duke shtyr\u00eb p\u00ebrpara p\u00ebrjashtimet dhe duke bllokuar mb\u00ebshtetjen p\u00ebr Ukrain\u00ebn sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur. Duke vepruar k\u00ebshtu, ai e ka dob\u00ebsuar BE-n\u00eb \u2013 nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt i deklaruar si i Orbanit ashtu edhe i Presidentit rus Vladimir Putin. Humbja e Orbanit n\u00eb zgjedhje do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte nj\u00eb goditje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
A mund t\u00eb votohet p\u00ebr rr\u00ebzimin e regjimit t\u00eb Orbanit?
\nPas zgjedhjeve t\u00eb vitit 2010, Fidesz filloi t\u00eb shtynte p\u00ebrpara reforma t\u00eb m\u00ebdha zgjedhore q\u00eb i vun\u00eb theksin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh sistemit t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs, gj\u00eb q\u00eb i dha partis\u00eb nj\u00eb avantazh t\u00eb konsideruesh\u00ebm q\u00eb vazhdon edhe sot e k\u00ebsaj dite. Nga 199 ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebs, 106 zgjidhen n\u00eb zona zgjedhore me nj\u00eb an\u00ebtar t\u00eb vet\u00ebm me shumic\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb. Zonat zgjedhore besnike ndaj Fidesz kan\u00eb tendenc\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se nevojiten m\u00eb pak vota p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues atje. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e fundit n\u00eb vitin 2022, partia e Orban mori rreth 53% t\u00eb votave, por fitoi nj\u00eb p\u00ebrqindje m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb zonave zgjedhore, duke siguruar k\u00ebshtu pak m\u00eb pak se 68% t\u00eb vendeve n\u00eb parlament \u2013 nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb absolute.<\/p>\n
Hungarez\u00ebt etnik\u00eb q\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb vendet fqinje t\u00eb Hungaris\u00eb dhe kan\u00eb shtet\u00ebsi hungareze lejohen t\u00eb votojn\u00eb p\u00ebr listat e partive dhe t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet votimit n\u00eb munges\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, hungarez\u00ebt n\u00eb vendet e Evrop\u00ebs Per\u00ebndimore q\u00eb kan\u00eb tendenc\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb kritik\u00eb ndaj Orbanit mund t\u00eb votojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb ambasada dhe konsullata n\u00eb ato shtete, por jo n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet votimit n\u00eb munges\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Ekspert\u00ebt hungarez\u00eb t\u00eb zgjedhjeve argumentojn\u00eb se sistemi i votimit \u00ebsht\u00eb i padrejt\u00eb, por pak veta besojn\u00eb se do t\u00eb ket\u00eb manipulim votash n\u00eb zgjedhjet e ardhshme. Disa kan\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb se ekziston nj\u00ebfar\u00eb potenciali p\u00ebr mashtrim n\u00eb sistemin e votimit me post\u00eb dhe se votat e hungarez\u00ebve etnik\u00eb n\u00eb vendet fqinje mund t\u2019i sigurojn\u00eb Orbanit nj\u00eb ose dy vende shtes\u00eb. E gjith\u00eb kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb sjell\u00ebsh nj\u00eb ndryshim qeverie, por jo e pamundur.<\/p>\n
\u00c7far\u00eb thon\u00eb sondazhet dhe sa t\u00eb besueshme jan\u00eb ato?
\nAnalist\u00ebt hungarez\u00eb t\u00eb zgjedhjeve jan\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt se shumica absolute e votuesve n\u00eb Hungari duan nj\u00eb ndryshim n\u00eb qeveri. P\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb vit, firmat e pavarura t\u00eb sondazheve kan\u00eb parashikuar nj\u00eb ep\u00ebrsi \u2013 n\u00eb disa raste nj\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme \u2013 p\u00ebr partin\u00eb Tisza ndaj Fidesz. Megjithat\u00eb, k\u00ebto shifra pasqyrojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm pjes\u00ebrisht perspektivat zgjedhore t\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve individual\u00eb n\u00eb secil\u00ebn zon\u00eb zgjedhore. K\u00ebto sondazhe nuk e marrin plot\u00ebsisht parasysh baz\u00ebn e votuesve t\u00eb Fidesz, e cila p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet kryesisht nga t\u00eb moshuar dhe pensionist\u00eb n\u00eb qytete dhe fshatra t\u00eb vogla. Prandaj, parashikimet e sondazheve mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb pasakta. Megjithat\u00eb, shumica e analist\u00ebve t\u00eb zgjedhjeve presin q\u00eb Orban t\u00eb rr\u00ebzohet nga detyra.<\/p>\n
\u00c7far\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb Peter Magyar n\u00ebse b\u00ebhet udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi i ri?
\nSynimet dhe objektivat kryesore t\u00eb Peter Magyar dhe partis\u00eb s\u00eb tij Tisza jan\u00eb q\u00eb Hungaria t\u00eb distancohet nga Rusia dhe t\u00eb b\u00ebhet p\u00ebrs\u00ebri nj\u00eb aleat i besuesh\u00ebm i BE-s\u00eb dhe NATO-s . Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb lidhje me migracionin dhe Ukrain\u00ebn, Hungaria synon t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb qasjen aktuale t\u00eb Hungaris\u00eb, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn pjes\u00ebrisht, por pa hyr\u00eb n\u00eb konfrontim total brenda BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb frontin e brendsh\u00ebm, Hungaria ka njoftuar nj\u00eb goditje ndaj korrupsionit dhe nj\u00eb \u201criorganizim sistemik\u201d, q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinte futjen e nj\u00eb sistemi zgjedhor m\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, kufizimin e mandatit t\u00eb kryeministrit n\u00eb dy cikle zgjedhore dhe hartimin e nj\u00eb kushtetute t\u00eb re. Orban dhe politikan\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb rrethin e tij t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrballen me akuza p\u00ebr korrupsion dhe tradhti t\u00eb lart\u00eb.<\/p>\n
A do ta pranoj\u00eb Orban humbjen n\u00ebse votohet p\u00ebr t\u2019u larguar?
\nOrban nuk i \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjur ende drejtp\u00ebrdrejt k\u00ebsaj pyetjeje. Ai thjesht ka th\u00ebn\u00eb se ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb i ka fituar zgjedhjet dhe ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb i ka humbur, dhe se Hungaria \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb demokraci.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse Orbani shpall fitoren, demonstratat masive jan\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme, dhe p\u00ebrplasjet e dhunshme jan\u00eb gjithashtu t\u00eb mundshme, pasi zem\u00ebrimi dhe urrejtja ndaj regjimit t\u00eb Orbanit jan\u00eb tashm\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapura. N\u00ebse Orbani humbet, n\u00ebse mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e tij do t\u00eb dalin masivisht n\u00eb rrug\u00eb apo jo, ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb varet nga q\u00ebndrimi i tij.<\/p>\n
A mund t\u00eb \u00e7montohet sistemi Orban?
\nOrban ka marr\u00eb masa t\u00eb shumta paraprake p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur humbjen e pushtetit. Shum\u00eb ndryshime n\u00eb sistemin e tij k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb parlamentare prej dy t\u00eb tretash, dhe shum\u00eb pozicione ky\u00e7e jan\u00eb plot\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr vite me radh\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu, \u201cshteti i tij i thell\u00eb\u201d mund t\u00eb sabotoj\u00eb leht\u00ebsisht nj\u00eb qeveri q\u00eb g\u00ebzon vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb. Dhe edhe me nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb prej dy t\u00eb tretash, mund t\u00eb duhen vite q\u00eb Tisza ta rishikoj\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht sistemin e Orbanit.\/DW<\/p>\n
The post Analiza\/ Pse zgjedhjet n\u00eb Hungari jan\u00eb kaq t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn<\/a> appeared first on Lapsi.al<\/a>.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" M\u00eb 12 prill, Hungaria p\u00ebrballet me zgjedhjet e saj m\u00eb vendimtare parlamentare q\u00eb nga koha kur regjimi komunist i Hungaris\u00eb dha dor\u00ebheqjen vullnetarisht n\u00eb vitet 1989\/90. Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse kryeministri hungarez Viktor Orban dhe qeveria e tij mund t\u00eb rr\u00ebzohen me vot\u00eb apo jo. P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00eb nga viti 2010, ekziston nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-81393","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/81393","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=81393"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/81393\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=81393"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=81393"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=81393"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}