Nj\u00eb nga iluzionet m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme q\u00eb rrethojn\u00eb skandalet politike \u00ebsht\u00eb ideja se ekspozimi i tyre mbart ende nj\u00eb far\u00eb force korrigjuese. Kjo, ndoshta sepse p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb ka qen\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. N\u00eb momentin q\u00eb di\u00e7ka b\u00ebhet e dukshme dhe vendoset para syve t\u00eb shum\u00eb njer\u00ebzve, reagimi i natyrsh\u00ebm ka qen\u00eb marrja e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe llogaridh\u00ebnia. Por, pushteti bashk\u00ebkohor ka evoluuar pik\u00ebrisht q\u00eb vizibiliteti t\u00eb mund\u00ebsoj\u00eb decentralizimin e fajit dhe shp\u00ebrndarjen e tij.<\/p>\n
Jiang Xueqin, autor dhe intelektual publik kinezo-kanadez, argumenton se pushteti modern nuk varet m\u00eb nga ekzisentca e nj\u00eb zinxhiri t\u00eb qart\u00eb komandues, apo nga persona ose institucione vendimmarr\u00ebse leht\u00ebsisht t\u00eb identifikuesh\u00ebm. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ai shprehet se pushteti sot operon p\u00ebrmes rrjeteve t\u00eb strukturara p\u00ebr t\u00eb mund\u00ebsuar mohueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe shmangien e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb\u2026 Sisteme, ku influencat qarkullojn\u00eb lirsh\u00ebm, por ku t\u00eb mbajturit e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr pasojat nuk bie mbi asnj\u00ebher\u00eb mbi ask\u00ebnd. P\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb sakt\u00eb, duhet sqaruar se mohimi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast nuk n\u00ebnkupton se personi apo institucioni q\u00eb e b\u00ebn at\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb duke g\u00ebnjyer. N\u00eb fakt, \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt e kund\u00ebrta. Mohimi funksionon m\u00eb s\u00eb miri kur secila nga pal\u00ebt e p\u00ebrfshira n\u00eb nj\u00eb skandal mund t\u00eb thot\u00eb di\u00e7ka t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Dhe frazat q\u00eb e mund\u00ebsojn\u00eb di\u00e7ka t\u00eb till\u00eb, besoj se jan\u00eb mjaft t\u00eb njohura p\u00ebr shumic\u00ebn prej nesh: \u201cE kam takuar vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb her\u00eb\u201d, \u201cNuk kemi patur asnj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie zyrtare\u201d, \u201cTakimet tona nuk ka qen\u00eb pjes\u00eb e rolit tim institucional.\u201d Secila prej tyre mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e sakt\u00eb dhe e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb n\u00eb vetvete, e megjithat\u00eb, pasojat politike \u2013 vendimet me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi \u2013 s\u00ebrish jan\u00eb ndikuar dhe form\u00ebsuar prej skandaleve. N\u00ebse do t\u00eb perifrazonim professor Jiang-un, politika sot nuk funksionon m\u00eb si m\u00ebnyr\u00eb qeverisjeje, por si reality show TV.<\/p>\n
Krahasimi prej tij i politik\u00ebs me spektaklet reality shkon p\u00ebrtej retorik\u00ebs. Si\u00e7 dihet, reality TV, me gjith\u00eb sifdat dhe mosmarr\u00ebveshjet q\u00eb prezanton si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb spektaklit, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar p\u00ebr t\u2019i zgjidhur ato dhe as p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur p\u00ebrfundime. Funksioni themelor i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb shikuesit sa m\u00eb gjat\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebrthyer para ekranit. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe arsyeja p\u00ebrse ka aq shum\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr tension, p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzime emocionale, testim t\u00eb aleancave dhe besnik\u00ebrive, por pa i dh\u00ebn\u00eb kurr\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje n\u00eb fund gjith\u00eb k\u00ebtyre. Ngjash\u00ebm, n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn politike shp\u00ebrhejn\u00eb kriza dhe skandale, personazhet e k\u00ebq\u00ebinj identifikohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr, vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019u z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar m\u00eb pas nga t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. N\u00eb politik\u00eb, ashtu si n\u00eb nj\u00eb spektak\u00ebl reality personazhet hyjn\u00eb dhe dalin nga kuadri i kameras \u2013 her\u00eb t\u00eb posht\u00ebruar e her\u00eb t\u00eb pastruar n\u00eb syt\u00eb e publikut \u2013 por ajo q\u00eb mbetet gjithmon\u00eb e pandryshuar, \u00ebsht\u00eb struktura e spektaklit.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb fakt, spektakli por edhe pushteti politik bashk\u00ebkohor, jan\u00eb thuajse plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb varur nga ky cik\u00ebl ekspozimi pa nj\u00eb zgjidhje p\u00ebrfundimtare. N\u00ebse konfliktet do t\u00eb zgjidheshin n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb dhe dikush do t\u00eb mbahej qart\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb, e gjith\u00eb fabula do t\u00eb zhb\u00ebhej. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhet edhe p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn sot. Tanim\u00eb skandalet nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb m\u00eb krisje brenda sistemit, q\u00eb n\u00ebse ndreqen gj\u00ebrat do t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb, por jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore e ritmit t\u00eb funksionimit t\u00eb tij. Skandalet ofrojn\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm dram\u00eb dhe zem\u00ebrim p\u00ebr t\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb paprekura mekanizmat q\u00eb fshihen n\u00ebn sip\u00ebrfaqe. Sikurse n\u00eb nj\u00eb sezon Big Brother-i, edhe politika sot na fton ta shohim, t\u00eb reagojm\u00eb dhe\u2026 t\u00eb harrojm\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb rrethanat q\u00eb e prodhuan kriz\u00ebn apo skandalin mbeten po aty, gati p\u00ebr episodin e radh\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Sipas Jiang Xueqin, pushtetit sot nuk i intereson m\u00eb si dikur q\u00eb t\u00eb fsheh\u00eb, por t\u00eb organizoj\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimin mes formave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb tij. Ndryshe nga dikur, vendimet nuk merren m\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb sall\u00eb nga nj\u00eb institucion n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment vendimtar. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ato lindin gradualisht p\u00ebrmes takimesh informale, prezantimesh, nderesh dhe bisedash private, t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve zhvillohen jasht\u00eb institucioneve zyrtare, por mjaftuesh\u00ebm pran\u00eb tyre p\u00ebr t\u2019i ndikuar e form\u00ebsuar ato. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, kur momenti i ekspozimit ia beh befas dhunsh\u00ebm, nuk ka asnj\u00eb aktor t\u00eb vet\u00ebm q\u00eb mund t\u00eb identifikohet qart\u00ebsisht si p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb ka ndodhur. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb mund t\u00eb thon\u00eb di\u00e7ka t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb dhe prap\u00eb t\u00eb shmangin llogari dh\u00ebnien.<\/p>\n
Brenda nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb till\u00eb roli i nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsit b\u00ebhet i domosdsoh\u00ebm. Ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb zyrtar i zgjedhur dhe as politik-b\u00ebr\u00ebs. N\u00eb fakt, n\u00eb let\u00ebr ai shfaqet si nj\u00eb personazh i par\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm dhe banal, por n\u00eb praktik\u00eb ai sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr t\u00eb lidhur bot\u00eb q\u00eb nuk mund ta pranojn\u00eb haptas nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn: politik\u00ebn dhe biznesin, t\u00eb ligjshmen dhe informalen, autoritetin institucional dhe zonat gri t\u00eb tij. Por, ajo \u00e7ka ndoshta \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti se nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsi mbetet nj\u00eb personazh \u2018me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim.\u2019 Sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb sistemi funksionon, ai mbetet i duksh\u00ebm dhe n\u00eb momentin q\u00eb sistemi d\u00ebshton, nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsi mund t\u00eb izolohet dhe largohet leht\u00ebsisht nga v\u00ebmendja, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb struktur\u00ebn, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme se sa nejr\u00ebzit brenda saj.<\/p>\n
T\u00eb para nga ky k\u00ebnd, edhe ngjarje t\u00eb koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri nuk duhen lexuar si anomali t\u00eb politik\u00ebs son\u00eb dhe as si devijime morale t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb ton\u00eb, pasi me gjas\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj p\u00ebrshtatjeje funksionale, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese se alarmi q\u00eb ngre tonet n\u00eb debate televizive rreth moralitetit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs dhe shoq\u00ebris\u00eb ton\u00eb. Th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe, aty ku institucionet mbeten t\u00eb dob\u00ebta dhe g\u00ebzojn\u00eb shum\u00eb pak besueshm\u00ebri nga njer\u00ebzit, rrjetet infromale jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb kthehen n\u00eb plot\u00ebsuese t\u00eb politik\u00ebs zyrtare, por sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb edhe si nj\u00eb lloj stabilizuesi i saj. Nd\u00ebrsa strukturat zyrtare garantojn\u00eb legjitimitet, ujdit\u00eb informale sigurojn\u00eb efikasitetin e nevojsh\u00ebm dhe nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb aty p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar komunikimin e t\u00eb dyjave.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, p\u00ebrqendrimi vet\u00ebm n\u00eb teknika (regjistrime, p\u00ebrgjime dhe mekanizma t\u00eb fshehta) b\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb humbasim thelbin e historis\u00eb. Fakti m\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs i gjith\u00eb k\u00ebsaj nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb politike kalon her\u00eb pas here n\u00ebp\u00ebr zyra private, por se ajo e b\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb natyrshme t\u00eb mundshme.<\/p>\n
Tani, k\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron edhe rreziku i r\u00ebnies pre e teorive konspirative dhe p\u00ebr ta shmangur k\u00ebt\u00eb, nevojitet t\u2019i kthehemi s\u00ebrish interpretimit q\u00eb Jiang Xueqin i b\u00ebn pushtetit bashk\u00ebkohor dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si ai funksionon. Sipas tij nuk nevojitet nj\u00eb konspiracion i madh me nj\u00eb mastermind djall\u00ebzor q\u00eb fshihet pas gjith\u00e7kaje. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ai thot\u00eb se ajo \u00e7ka i mban n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb k\u00ebto sisteme tonat \u00ebsht\u00eb vulnerabiliteti i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. N\u00eb momentin q\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kan\u00eb di\u00e7ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb humbur, heshtja sh\u00ebrben si zgjidhja m\u00eb racionale dhe e natyrshme.<\/p>\n
Kjo shpjegon edhe pse skandalet q\u00eb lindin sot nga politika shp\u00ebrb\u00ebhen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kaq t\u00eb parashikueshme, pa arritur t\u00eb prekin pushtetin. Nd\u00ebrsa hetimet ngushtohen gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin e qart\u00eb, p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia fragmentarizohet dhe ndahet n\u00eb nj\u00eb mori cop\u00ebzah. Problemet p\u00ebrshrkuhen si d\u00ebshtime procedurale, nd\u00ebrsa institucionet shprehin habi, nisin rishqyrtime dhe hetime t\u00eb brendshme, por duke mbetur n\u00eb fund t\u00eb pandryshuara dhe t\u00eb paprekura nga pasojat e skandalit t\u00eb ekspzouara.<\/p>\n
E gjith\u00eb kjo nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e rast\u00ebsishme. N\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem q\u00eb ngrihet mbi iden\u00eb e vazhdim\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe rritjes me \u00e7do kusht, \u00e7far\u00ebdo lloj p\u00eb\u00e7arjeje do t\u00eb qe e rrezikshme ekonomikisht. Tek e fundit, tregjeve dhe kapitalit, pavar\u00ebsisht asaj \u00e7far\u00eb thon\u00eb, nuk iu p\u00eblqen pasiguria dhe paparashikueshm\u00ebria. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, krizat manaxhohen vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb lokalizuar impaktin e tyre, duke e asborbuar dhe ridrejtuar d\u00ebmin, apo n\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme, duke e personifikuar at\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu, nj\u00eb person i vet\u00ebm largohet nga v\u00ebmendja, duke u detyruar t\u00eb dor\u00ebhiqet ose t\u00eb hesht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb, duke krijuar p\u00ebrshtypjen se di\u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb ndrequr, kur n\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb garantuar vet\u00ebm vazhdim\u00ebsia dhe q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebria e sistemit. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, struktura q\u00eb kishte nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr rolin e tij \u2013 ujdit\u00eb informale q\u00eb e b\u00ebnin personin t\u00eb dobish\u00ebm \u2013 mbeten t\u00eb paprekura.<\/p>\n
Dhe sikurse n\u00eb nj\u00eb program reality, episodi p\u00ebrfundon duke mos zgjidhur konfliktin, por duke realizuar detyr\u00ebn e vet m\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore: t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb veten. Teksa v\u00ebmendja shtyhet tjet\u00ebrkund dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb mendojm\u00eb se normaliteti tashm\u00eb po kthehet, shfaqja vazhdon p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs logjik\u00eb, n\u00eb pritje t\u00eb momentit t\u00eb radh\u00ebs t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb kontrolluar\/Tema <\/p>\n
The post Bjorn Runa: Pse ekspozimi i skandalit nuk e korrigjon dot m\u00eb pushtetin<\/a> appeared first on www.lexo.al<\/a>.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Nj\u00eb nga iluzionet m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme q\u00eb rrethojn\u00eb skandalet politike \u00ebsht\u00eb ideja se ekspozimi i tyre mbart ende nj\u00eb far\u00eb force korrigjuese. Kjo, ndoshta sepse p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb ka qen\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. N\u00eb momentin q\u00eb di\u00e7ka b\u00ebhet e dukshme dhe vendoset para syve t\u00eb shum\u00eb njer\u00ebzve, reagimi i natyrsh\u00ebm ka qen\u00eb marrja […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-60196","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/60196","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=60196"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/60196\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=60196"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=60196"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=60196"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}