Nga Roland Lami<\/p>\n
Shqip\u00ebria po hyn n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb ku balanca mes pushteteve \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e brisht\u00eb se kurr\u00eb, dhe Gjykata Kushtetuese, institucioni q\u00eb duhej t\u00eb garantoj\u00eb stabilitetin kushtetues po prodhon vendime q\u00eb ngjallin m\u00eb shum\u00eb dyshime sesa siguri. Dy \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e fundit, detyrimi p\u00ebr t\u2019u paraqitur p\u00ebr nj\u00eb deputet pa autorizimin e Kuvendit rasti Berisha dhe vendimi nes\u00ebr si\u00e7 p\u00ebrflitet jo pak p\u00ebr t\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb fuqi vendimin e GJKKO, pra pezullimin nga detyra t\u00eb nj\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministreje, p\u00ebrforcojn\u00eb iden\u00eb se drejt\u00ebsia po merr nj\u00eb rol q\u00eb shkon p\u00ebrtej kufijve t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs, duke krijuar nj\u00eb pushtet t\u00eb ri n\u00eb hije, ajo e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb q\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyn n\u00eb politik\u00eb dhe procedura penale q\u00eb determinojn\u00eb ekzekutivin.<\/p>\n
Neni 73 i Kushtetut\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb i qart\u00eb n\u00eb rastin e Berish\u00ebs q\u00eb nj\u00eb deputeti nuk mund t\u2019i hiqet liria \u201cn\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo lloj forme\u201d pa autorizim t\u00eb Kuvendit. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga mburojat m\u00eb t\u00eb forta kund\u00ebr abuzimit t\u00eb pushtetit gjyq\u00ebsor ndaj legjistativit. Megjithat\u00eb, Gjykata Kushtetuese vendosi se masa \u201cdetyrim paraqitje\u201d nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn heqje lirie. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, krijoi nj\u00eb norm\u00eb t\u00eb re q\u00eb i jep Prokuroris\u00eb dhe GJKKO-s\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb vendosin kufizime ndaj deputet\u00ebve pa p\u00eblqimin e Parlamentit, duke relativizuar tekstin kushtetues n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje ku Kushtetuta nuk l\u00eb asnj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb interpretimi. Ky precedent nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht teknik. Ai i jep pushtetit gjyq\u00ebsor nj\u00eb rol q\u00eb Kushtetuta ia ka mohuar pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur ekuilibrin politik.<\/p>\n
Po kaq shqet\u00ebsues \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti i dyt\u00eb, mund\u00ebsia si\u00e7 qarkullojn\u00eb jo pak z\u00ebra t\u00eb l\u00ebnies n\u00eb fuq nga ana Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese nrs\u00ebr t\u00eb vendimit t\u00eb GJKKO, ai i pezullimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministreje dhe t\u00eb zgjedhur nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb leximet e mija modeste n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb opinioneve t\u00eb konstitucionalist\u00ebve q\u00eb n\u00eb raste t\u00eb tilla flen gjum\u00eb ose struken diku, nd\u00ebrhyrja nga gjykata n\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen e kabinetit \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje n\u00eb ekzekutiv dhe c\u00ebnon parimin themelor t\u00eb ndarjes s\u00eb pushteteve. N\u00eb \u00e7do demokraci funksionale, ky do t\u00eb konsiderohej nj\u00eb tejkalim i hapur kompetencash. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb nuk konsiderohet si i till\u00eb, por shikohet si precedent p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrshendetur madje meren dhe raste nga vende t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb n\u00eb fakt jan\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti jasht\u00eb konteksti ose s\u00eb paku fake news. Disa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb mendojn\u00eb se \u00e7\u2019r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi ka \u00e7thot\u00eb kushtetuta sepse k\u00ebto vendime jan\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7mim i pranuesh\u00ebm q\u00eb duhet paguar edhe n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb kushtetut\u00ebs n\u00eb luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr korrupsionit.<\/p>\n
Por si\u00e7 kan\u00eb paralajm\u00ebruar prej koh\u00ebsh jo pak filozof\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, \u201cq\u00ebllimi i mir\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb justifikimi m\u00eb i rreziksh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb abuzuar me norm\u00ebn juridike. Gustav Radbruch, filozofi i drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb q\u00eb analizoi shembjen e shtetit ligjor n\u00eb shekullin XX, shkruante: \u201cLigji q\u00eb mohon drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb ligj. Kur ai p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime politike, humbet autoritetin.\u201d Edhe Ronald Dworkin theksonte se kur shtetet thyejn\u00eb standardet procedurale n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb s\u00eb mir\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme, ato thjesht maskojn\u00eb arbitraritetin si drejt\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n
K\u00ebto paralajm\u00ebrime duken sot m\u00eb aktuale se kurr\u00eb. Lufta kund\u00ebr korrupsionit nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb si arm\u00eb shkeljen e Kushtetut\u00ebs, sepse at\u00ebher\u00eb shteti ligjor kthehet n\u00eb instrument t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm t\u00eb politik\u00ebs penale.N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dinamik\u00eb luan rol jo t\u00eb vog\u00ebl presioni nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, i cili si inisiator dhe financues i reform\u00ebs n\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi k\u00ebrkon n\u00eb jo pak raste \u201csuksese\u201d, duam shifra, duan prova se reforma po funksionon. Por kjo trysni i shtyn shpesh institucionet shqiptare t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrin veprime q\u00eb krijojn\u00eb iluzionin e progresit, duke e shtyr\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebn n\u00eb plan t\u00eb dyt\u00eb. Si\u00e7 paralajm\u00ebron Michel Troper, nj\u00eb nga konstitucionalist\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm europian\u00eb, \u201cAsnj\u00eb luft\u00eb, as kund\u00ebr terrorizmit, as kund\u00ebr korrupsionit nuk e justifikon shp\u00ebrfytyrimin e Kushtetut\u00ebs, sepse Kushtetuta \u00ebsht\u00eb mbrojtja jon\u00eb kund\u00ebr shtetit, jo mbules\u00eb e veprimeve t\u00eb tij.\u201d<\/p>\n
N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri po krijohet nj\u00eb trek\u00ebnd\u00ebsh i ri fuqie mes SPAK-ut, GJKKO-s\u00eb dhe gjykatave t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb, nj\u00eb konfigurim q\u00eb i jep pushtetit gjyq\u00ebsor kompetenca q\u00eb nuk i ka t\u00eb shkruara n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa ekzekutivi dhe legjislativi kufizohen, drejt\u00ebsia penale zgjerohet n\u00eb zona q\u00eb nuk i takojn\u00eb. Ky raport i ri forcash prodhon jo vet\u00ebm pasiguri juridike, por edhe perceptimin e nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsie q\u00eb funksionon n\u00eb var\u00ebsi t\u00eb dinamikave politike, diplomatike apo t\u00eb presioneve t\u00eb momentit. Nj\u00eb demokraci nuk mbahet nga drejt\u00ebsia q\u00eb fiton betejat e dit\u00ebs, por nga institucionet q\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb rregullat e loj\u00ebs.Montesquieu, babai i ndarjes s\u00eb pushteteve, paralajm\u00ebronte se \u201c\u00e7do pushtet q\u00eb nuk frenon veten, e thyen tjetrin.\u201d<\/p>\n
Sot n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, ky parim po shkelet haptazi. Nj\u00eb gjykat\u00eb q\u00eb i jep vetes kompetenca t\u00eb reja prek thelbin e republik\u00ebs. Dhe n\u00ebse Kushtetuta fillon t\u00eb trajtohet si dokument fleksib\u00ebl, i p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbuluar vendime t\u00eb forta politike apo penale, at\u00ebher\u00eb ajo humbet fuqin\u00eb e saj mbrojt\u00ebse.<\/p>\n
Lufta kund\u00ebr korrupsionit \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejt\u00eb. Por nuk ka drejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb drejt\u00eb q\u00eb lind nga mjete t\u00eb padrejta. Republika e ka t\u00eb leht\u00eb t\u00eb thot\u00eb \u201cpo\u201d p\u00ebr \u00e7do mas\u00eb ekstreme sot, e pamundura \u00ebsht\u00eb ta mbaj\u00eb veten nes\u00ebr. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, pyetja e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse vendimet e fundit jan\u00eb apo jo efektive. Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse ato jan\u00eb kushtetuese. Sepse Republika q\u00eb fiton nj\u00eb betej\u00eb duke humbur Kushtetut\u00ebn, n\u00eb fakt ka humbur gjith\u00e7ka. Mbetet p\u00ebr tu par\u00eb n\u00ebse Gjykata Kushtetuese do e krijoj precedentin e dyt\u00eb apo do respektoj frymen e kushtetues.<\/p>\n
The post N\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb Anti-Korrupsionit po shembim shtetin e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs<\/a> appeared first on www.lexo.al<\/a>.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Nga Roland Lami Shqip\u00ebria po hyn n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb ku balanca mes pushteteve \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e brisht\u00eb se kurr\u00eb, dhe Gjykata Kushtetuese, institucioni q\u00eb duhej t\u00eb garantoj\u00eb stabilitetin kushtetues po prodhon vendime q\u00eb ngjallin m\u00eb shum\u00eb dyshime sesa siguri. Dy \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e fundit, detyrimi p\u00ebr t\u2019u paraqitur p\u00ebr nj\u00eb deputet pa autorizimin e Kuvendit rasti […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-55445","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/55445","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=55445"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/55445\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=55445"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=55445"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=55445"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}