Historia e garave p\u00ebr drejtimin e Bashkis\u00eb s\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pasqyr\u00eb e mir\u00eb e transformimeve politike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb tranzicionit. N\u00eb prag t\u00eb betej\u00ebs s\u00eb dhjet\u00eb, t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e p\u00ebrmbledhura n\u00eb tabel\u00eb kronologjike japin mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb evidentohen disa prirje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme.<\/p>\n
1. Nj\u00eb gar\u00eb me shum\u00eb aktor\u00eb \u2013 mbi 40 kandidat\u00eb n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike t\u00eb kryeqytetit<\/p>\n
Edhe pse informacioni p\u00ebr vitet e para t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i cunguar, nga 1992 deri n\u00eb vitin 2023 num\u00ebrohen t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn 44 kandidat\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb aspiruar drejtimin e Bashkis\u00eb s\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tregues i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i faktit se Tirana ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb nj\u00eb terren politik t\u00ebrheq\u00ebs jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr partit\u00eb kryesore, por edhe p\u00ebr figura t\u00eb pavarura apo parti t\u00eb vogla. N\u00eb shum\u00eb raste, gara p\u00ebr kryeqytetin \u00ebsht\u00eb perceptuar si trampolin\u00eb politike, ose si m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb afirmuar alternativat e vogla politike para elektoratit urban.<\/p>\n
Gjith\u00ebsesi, Edi Rama mbetet i vetmi q\u00eb e b\u00ebri realitet trampolin\u00ebn duke u ulur n\u00eb karrigen e kryeministrit. Lulzim Basha q\u00eb e pasoi mbeti nj\u00eb kryeminister n\u00eb tentativ\u00eb. T\u00eb vetmen gj\u00eb q\u00eb fitoi, kryesimin e opozit\u00ebs, e mori si dhurat\u00eb nga \u2018babai politik\u2019. N\u00eb tentativ\u00ebn p\u00ebr \u2018vrasjen\u2019 me paramendim t\u00eb k\u00ebtij t\u00eb fundit, Lulzim Basha ra vet d\u00ebshmor politik duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund karrier\u00ebs. Erion Veliaj, pasuesi tjet\u00ebr i Ram\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb detyr\u00eb, aspirant p\u00ebr ti z\u00ebn\u00eb karrigen e kryeministrit, p\u00ebrfundoi n\u00eb burg n\u00eb pritje tashm\u00eb t\u00eb procesit gjyq\u00ebsor.<\/p>\n
2. Kuraj\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb humbjes \u2013 emra q\u00eb sfiduan momentet m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb element q\u00eb spikat nga kronologjia \u00ebsht\u00eb se disa figura politike garuan n\u00eb periudha kur forcat e tyre ishin n\u00eb disavantazh t\u00eb qart\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Luan Hajdaraga (PS, 1992) dhe Agim Fagu (PS, 1996) garuan n\u00eb kulmin e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb Partis\u00eb Demokratike, n\u00eb momente ku rotacioni pas vendosjes se pluralizmit politik kishte ndryshuar rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht ekuilibrat.<\/p>\n
Po ashtu, Besnik Mustafaj (2000) dhe Spartak Ngjela (2003) p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuan opozit\u00ebn n\u00eb periudha t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira p\u00ebr PD. Ata garuan kur PS kishte marr\u00eb pushtetin, e djathta po p\u00ebrpiqej t\u00eb riorganizohej pas shkat\u00ebrrimit nga trazirat e 1997, vrasjes se deputetit Hajdari dhe grushtit t\u00eb shtetit n\u00eb 1998 apo m\u00eb tej edhe humbjes s\u00eb zgjedhjeve parlamentare t\u00eb 2001.<\/p>\n
Futja e tyre n\u00eb gar\u00eb e b\u00ebri betej\u00ebn m\u00eb shum\u00eb nj\u00eb test t\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebs dhe dinjitetit politik sesa nj\u00eb shans real p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar. Pavar\u00ebsisht humbjes, k\u00ebto kandidatura treguan se Tirana mbeti nj\u00eb aren\u00eb politike ku guximi p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrballur kishte vler\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe se rezultati final. Kandidat\u00ebt e till\u00eb sh\u00ebrbyen si simbol i gar\u00ebs demokratike dhe i p\u00ebrpjekjes p\u00ebr t\u00eb sfiduar hegjemonin\u00eb e momentit.<\/p>\n
3. E djathta ka nj\u00eb problem serioz me Tiran\u00ebn<\/p>\n
Vet\u00ebm tre prej n\u00ebnt\u00eb betejave p\u00ebr Tiran\u00ebn jan\u00eb fituar nga Partia Demokratike dhe aleat\u00ebt e saj. Dy prej tyre n\u00eb vitet e para t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb kur hegjemonia e t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ishte e dukshme p\u00ebrball\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00ebs s\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar n\u00eb gjitha kuptimet, n\u00eb tentativ\u00ebn p\u00ebr tu rithemeluar n\u00ebn logon e PSSH por pjes\u00eb e trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb s\u00eb PPSH.<\/p>\n
Ndon\u00ebse n\u00eb pushtet, PD e fitoi t\u00eb vetmen gar\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebpasme n\u00eb vitin 2011 n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb diskutueshme. Jo vet\u00ebm me ndihm\u00ebn e p\u00ebrthithjes s\u00eb LSI n\u00eb koalicion duke ja shk\u00ebputur Edi Ram\u00ebs por edhe me nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb kontestuesh\u00ebm rinum\u00ebrimi t\u00eb votave t\u00eb hedhura n\u00eb kutit\u00eb e gabuara.<\/p>\n
Shifrat tregojn\u00eb se e djathta nuk ka marr\u00eb m\u00eb veten n\u00eb asnj\u00eb moment duke e shnd\u00ebrruar Tiran\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u2018moll\u00eb t\u00eb ndaluar\u2019. Duke l\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00ebnjan\u00eb vitin 2019 ku opozita zyrtare i bojkotoi zgjedhjet, rrjedhimisht diferenca n\u00eb vota e fituesit me vendin e dyt\u00eb nuk ka kuptim, n\u00eb proceset e tjera fitorja e t\u00eb majt\u00ebs ka ardhur gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb thellim avantazhi numerik.<\/p>\n
4. Rritja e numrit t\u00eb votave \u2013 mes popullsis\u00eb dhe reform\u00ebs territoriale<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr tipar i qart\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb evolucioni i numrit t\u00eb votave. Nga mbi 80 mij\u00eb vota q\u00eb merrte fituesi n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve 2000, shifra shkon mbi 150 mij\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2019 dhe mbi 158 mij\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2023. Ky ndryshim shpjegohet me dy element\u00eb kryesor\u00eb:<\/p>\n
Rritja demografike e Tiran\u00ebs. Kryeqyteti \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjeruar me ritme t\u00eb larta pas viteve \u201990, duke t\u00ebrhequr qindra mij\u00ebra banor\u00eb nga rrethet. Si pasoj\u00eb, edhe trupi elektoral \u00ebsht\u00eb shtuar ndjesh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n
Reforma territoriale e vitit 2014. Me bashkimin e nj\u00ebsive administrative dhe ish-komunave rreth Tiran\u00ebs, Bashkia mori nj\u00eb territor shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb popullsi ndjesh\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe. Kjo e shpjegon pse diferencat n\u00eb vota pas 2015-s jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb larta se m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Kjo tregon jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmasat e reja t\u00eb gar\u00ebs, por edhe r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb strategjike q\u00eb Bashkia e Tiran\u00ebs ka fituar n\u00eb peizazhin politik komb\u00ebtar \u2013 shpesh si nj\u00eb \u201cminiatur\u00eb\u201d e zgjedhjeve parlamentare.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb konkluzion, historia e garave p\u00ebr Bashkin\u00eb e Tiran\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pasqyr\u00eb e pluralizmit politik shqiptar, e guximit individual t\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve n\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira dhe e transformimit demografik e institucional t\u00eb kryeqytetit. Tirana nuk ka qen\u00eb kurr\u00eb nj\u00eb gar\u00eb thjesht lokale; ajo ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb nj\u00eb betej\u00eb komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb miniatur\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n
The post Dardan Malaj: 9 betejat p\u00ebr Bashkin\u00eb e Tiran\u00ebs<\/a> appeared first on www.lexo.al<\/a>.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Historia e garave p\u00ebr drejtimin e Bashkis\u00eb s\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pasqyr\u00eb e mir\u00eb e transformimeve politike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb tranzicionit. N\u00eb prag t\u00eb betej\u00ebs s\u00eb dhjet\u00eb, t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e p\u00ebrmbledhura n\u00eb tabel\u00eb kronologjike japin mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb evidentohen disa prirje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. 1. Nj\u00eb gar\u00eb me shum\u00eb aktor\u00eb \u2013 mbi 40 kandidat\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-43574","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/43574","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=43574"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/43574\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=43574"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=43574"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=43574"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}