Nga Yezid Sayigh<\/p>\n
Kthimi i Donald Trump n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb u paraqet palestinez\u00ebve n\u00eb territoret e pushtuara perspektiva q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb aspak inkurajuese. Jeta e p\u00ebrditshme p\u00ebr palestinez\u00ebt ishte tashm\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb dhe shpesh e dhunshme edhe para sulmit t\u00eb Hamasit n\u00eb Izraelin jugor m\u00eb 7 tetor 2023. Lufta izraelite q\u00eb pasoi n\u00eb Gaza, e shoq\u00ebruar me nj\u00eb rritje t\u00eb mpreht\u00eb t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs s\u00eb kolon\u00ebve hebrenj n\u00eb Bregun Per\u00ebndimor, e \u00e7oi n\u00eb ekstrem niveli i brutalitetit me t\u00eb cilin u p\u00ebrball\u00ebn palestinez\u00ebt.<\/p>\n
Administrata amerikane e udh\u00ebhequr nga Presidenti Joe Biden ose pasardh\u00ebsja e tij e caktuar, Kamala Harris, ofroi pak mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr leht\u00ebsim t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, por kushtet jan\u00eb pothuajse t\u00eb sigurta q\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebhen edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira n\u00ebn presidenc\u00ebn e Trump.<\/p>\n
L\u00ebvizja globale e solidaritetit me palestinez\u00ebt q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur gjat\u00eb vitit t\u00eb kaluar do t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb detyr\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, edhe pse do t\u00eb vihet n\u00ebn presion n\u00eb rritje, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht pasi n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, administrata e re synon t\u00eb shtyp\u00eb mospajtimin shoq\u00ebror dhe politik n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi \u2013 me protestat pro-palestineze, arsimin e lart\u00eb dhe lirin\u00eb e shtypit n\u00eb krye t\u00eb list\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Sistemi i vdekjes<\/p>\n
Megjithat\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa sfidat rriten, l\u00ebvizja komb\u00ebtare palestineze nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb paraqes\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje efektive. Shum\u00eb e pan\u00eb 7 tetorin si nj\u00eb demonstrim t\u00eb dinamizmit t\u00eb Hamasit dhe q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb armatosur q\u00eb pretendon t\u00eb zhvilloj\u00eb kund\u00ebr pushtimit izraelit dhe mohimit t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave palestineze.<\/p>\n
Por sulmi maskoi nj\u00eb realitet m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb: p\u00ebr \u00e7erek shekullin e kaluar, Hamasi ka qen\u00eb fraksioni i fundit efektiv brenda nj\u00eb sistemi politik palestinez n\u00eb vdekje dhe pas shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb Gaz\u00ebs dhe popullsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj nga Izraeli, Hamasi p\u00ebrballet me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin fat si pjesa tjet\u00ebr e k\u00ebtij sistemi. E par\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim, 7 tetori vendosi gozhd\u00ebn e fundit n\u00eb arkivolin e l\u00ebvizjes bashk\u00ebkohore komb\u00ebtare palestineze.<\/p>\n
Vrasja e liderit t\u00eb Hamasit, Yahya Sinwar, m\u00eb 17 tetor dhe e paraardh\u00ebsit t\u00eb tij Ismail Haniyeh gati tre muaj m\u00eb par\u00eb ishte vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb sh\u00ebnues n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb trajektore, jo shkaku i saj.<\/p>\n
L\u00ebvizja komb\u00ebtare palestineze, q\u00eb u shfaq n\u00eb vazhd\u00ebn e Nakhba-s, u mish\u00ebrua m\u00eb pas n\u00eb Organizat\u00ebn p\u00ebr \u00c7lirimin e Palestin\u00ebs (O\u00c7P). E formuar n\u00eb vitin 1964 dhe e marr\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb vitin 1968 nga l\u00ebvizja kryesore nacionaliste, Fateh dhe grupe t\u00eb tjera m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla guerile, O\u00c7P p\u00ebrfundimisht n\u00ebnshkroi Marr\u00ebveshjet e Oslos t\u00eb vitit 1993 me Izraelin, duke lejuar krijimin e nj\u00eb Autoriteti Palestinez (AP) autonom n\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb territoreve palestineze t\u00eb pushtuara nga Izraeli n\u00eb vitin 1967.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb syt\u00eb e kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre, Marr\u00ebveshja e Oslos e b\u00ebri Fateh dhe udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin e saj, Yasser Arafat, president i O\u00c7P, bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb okupimit izraelit. Qofshin t\u00eb drejta apo jo, marr\u00ebveshjet sh\u00ebnuan n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb efektive fundin e l\u00ebvizjes komb\u00ebtare palestineze. Shoq\u00ebria palestineze \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7mobilizuar.<\/p>\n
Dhjet\u00ebra mij\u00ebra aktivist\u00eb q\u00eb mor\u00ebn pjes\u00eb n\u00eb intifad\u00ebn e par\u00eb kryesisht jo t\u00eb dhunshme t\u00eb vitit 1987 dhe mij\u00ebra t\u00eb burgosur t\u00eb liruar nga Izraeli pas marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb paqes u vendos\u00ebn n\u00eb listat e pagave t\u00eb Autoritetit Palestinez, nd\u00ebrsa sindikatat dhe shoqatat e tjera baz\u00eb u vendos\u00ebn si zgjatime t\u00eb Fateh dhe kontrollin e AP.<\/p>\n
Sistemi i kuotave i krijuar prej koh\u00ebsh i O\u00c7P-s\u00eb i lejoi mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e Fateh t\u00eb kapnin pjes\u00ebn e luanit t\u00eb em\u00ebrimeve dhe p\u00ebrfitimeve n\u00eb sektorin e ri publik, i cili u trefishua menj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb 39 mij\u00eb punonj\u00ebs. Q\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb, inflacioni nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndalur kurr\u00eb me personelin civil dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb q\u00eb u rrit n\u00eb 86 mij\u00eb njer\u00ebz n\u00eb 1997, 124 mij\u00eb n\u00eb 2003 dhe 154 mij\u00eb (p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb 71 mij\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr personelin e siguris\u00eb) n\u00eb 2005.<\/p>\n
Fraksionet m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla gjithashtu kan\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e tyre. An\u00ebtar\u00ebt e Fateh-ut fillimisht kryesuan intifad\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb militarizuar, q\u00eb shp\u00ebrtheu n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 2000, por ky ishte veprimi i fundit i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i organizat\u00ebs kund\u00ebr Izraelit. Pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e aft\u00ebsive organizative dhe koherenc\u00ebs s\u00eb mbetur u shp\u00ebrb\u00eb kur Izraeli ripushtoi pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb zonave t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb palestineze n\u00eb Bregun Per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb vitin 2002.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb vitet n\u00eb vijim, Fateh duksh\u00ebm nuk arriti t\u00eb mobilizoj\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e tij t\u00eb shumt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrforcuar dhe mb\u00ebshtetur iniciativat popullore jo t\u00eb dhunshme kund\u00ebr intensifikimit t\u00eb kolonizimit izraelit n\u00eb Bregun Per\u00ebndimor dhe Jerusalemin Lindor.<\/p>\n
Fshati Bilin, ku aktivist\u00ebt e solidaritetit palestinez\u00eb, hebrenj izraelit\u00eb dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb i rezistuan me sukses nj\u00eb rr\u00ebmbimi t\u00eb tok\u00ebs izraelite n\u00eb 2005-2007, u dallua pik\u00ebrisht sepse ishte p\u00ebrjashtim dhe jo rregull. Humbja e kontrollit t\u00eb Rripit t\u00eb Gaz\u00ebs nga Fateh ndaj Hamasit n\u00eb vitin 2007 dhe statusi i tij i spektatorit pasi Izraeli forcoi rrethimin e Gaz\u00ebs dhe zhvilloi kat\u00ebr luft\u00ebra me Hamasin gjat\u00eb shtat\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb viteve t\u00eb ardhshme, n\u00ebnvizoi munges\u00ebn e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n
Sigurisht, Fateh kishte mjete t\u00eb kufizuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb ngjarjet n\u00eb Gaza, por paaft\u00ebsia e tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb penguar vendbanimet izraelite n\u00eb Bregun Per\u00ebndimor dhe Jerusalemin Lindor, aq m\u00eb pak p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb, fliste p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pamjaftueshm\u00ebri m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe.<\/p>\n
Zhvendosja e paradigm\u00ebs<\/p>\n
Shum\u00eb para 7 tetorit, Fateh ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb kufom\u00eb, pa vullnetin e tij apo aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr veprim autonom. Vdekja e tij politike u theksua kur sh\u00ebrbimet zyrtare palestineze t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, t\u00eb nxjerra nga radh\u00ebt e tij, e z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuan at\u00eb si instrumentin kryesor t\u00eb kontrollit t\u00eb Autoritetit Palestinez n\u00eb mes t\u00eb nj\u00eb transformimi autoritar n\u00eb Bregun Per\u00ebndimor (p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00eblqyer sh\u00ebrbimet e siguris\u00eb s\u00eb Hamasit n\u00eb Rripin e Gaz\u00ebs).<\/p>\n
Ish-grupet guerile dhe partit\u00eb politike n\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb t\u00eb Fateh, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Frontin Popullor p\u00ebr \u00c7lirimin e Palestin\u00ebs, Frontin Demokratik p\u00ebr \u00c7lirimin e Palestin\u00ebs dhe deg\u00ebn e tij Fida, si dhe Partin\u00eb Popullore Palestineze (ish-komuniste), kan\u00eb qen\u00eb gjithashtu. u zhvendos n\u00eb plan t\u00eb dyt\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Hamasi nuk ishte kurr\u00eb zyrtarisht pjes\u00eb e O\u00c7P, por ishte pjes\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb komb\u00ebtare palestineze dhe nuk i shp\u00ebtoi t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit fat. Mbi t\u00eb gjitha, Hamasi kurr\u00eb nuk ka devijuar nga paradigma q\u00eb dominoi luft\u00ebn e armatosur palestineze n\u00ebn O\u00c7P dhe fraksionin e saj dominues, Fateh, e l\u00ebre m\u00eb ta thyente apo transformoi at\u00eb. Ashtu si ata, Hamasi ka mobilizuar mjetet e dhun\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb luajtur politik\u00eb: p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar legjitimitetin nacionalist dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb konkurruar me rivalin e tij kryesor palestinez, Fateh, p\u00ebr udh\u00ebheqje dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb negociuar me Izraelin.<\/p>\n
Megjith\u00ebse Hamasi mbeti i p\u00ebrkushtuar retorikisht p\u00ebr \u201c\u00e7lirimin e plot\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb Palestin\u00ebs, q\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte shkat\u00ebrrimin e Izraelit, veprimet e tij ushtarake nuk e p\u00ebrmbush\u00ebn kurr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebllim.<\/p>\n
Qofshin sulme vet\u00ebvras\u00ebse n\u00eb vitet 1990 dhe fillim t\u00eb viteve 2000, sulme me raketa pas marrjes s\u00eb kontrollit t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb Rripit t\u00eb Gaz\u00ebs n\u00eb 2007, apo sulmi m\u00eb ambicioz i 7 tetorit, objektivi politik i Hamasit ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb m\u00eb modest: z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimi i Fatehit n\u00eb betej\u00ebn p\u00ebr opinionin publik palestinez, duke penguar ose duke iu p\u00ebrgjigjur vrasjeve izraelite, duke siguruar lirimin e palestinez\u00ebve t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb burgjet izraelite, duke leht\u00ebsuar rrethimin izraelit t\u00eb Gaz\u00ebs ose, m\u00eb n\u00eb fund, t\u00eb detyroj\u00eb Izraelin t\u00eb negocioj\u00eb pasi Hamasi pranoi nj\u00eb zgjidhje me dy shtete n\u00eb kart\u00ebn e rishikuar t\u00eb vitit 2017.<\/p>\n
Hamasi mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb qen\u00eb i d\u00ebnuar me d\u00ebshtim, si\u00e7 argumenton analisti Tareq Baconi, nga k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulja e Izraelit p\u00ebr t\u00eb menaxhuar dhe jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur konfliktin e tij me palestinez\u00ebt dhe duke hedhur posht\u00eb k\u00ebrkesat p\u00ebr sovranitetin palestinez.<\/p>\n
Luft\u00ebtar\u00ebt e saj vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrballen me forcat izraelite nj\u00eb vit pas hyrjes s\u00eb tyre n\u00eb Gaza dhe Hamasi do t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb si ide, madje edhe si organizat\u00eb. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, Hamasi lind nga nj\u00eb realitet i ashp\u00ebr material: shpron\u00ebsimi i dy t\u00eb tretave t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb palestineze n\u00eb vitin 1948, pushtimi ushtarak n\u00eb 1967, rrethimi i Gaz\u00ebs q\u00eb nga viti 2007 dhe, sot, nj\u00eb luft\u00eb q\u00eb ia kalon t\u00eb gjith\u00eb atyre q\u00eb e paraprin\u00eb at\u00eb, brutalitetin e saj.<\/p>\n
Palestinez\u00ebt kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb q\u00eb vdekja e Sinwar nuk ndryshon asgj\u00eb p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb mund t\u2019i rezistojn\u00eb pushtimit dhe diskriminimit izraelit n\u00eb dukje t\u00eb pafund. Por kjo nuk e ndryshon konkluzionin e matur se Hamasi ishte i mbijetuari i fundit i nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeje komb\u00ebtare palestineze q\u00eb tani duhet t\u00eb rimendohet rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht dhe t\u00eb riimagjinohet, n\u00ebse d\u00ebshiron ta kthej\u00eb me vendosm\u00ebri luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr lirin\u00eb palestineze n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e duhur.<\/p>\n
The post Duke rimenduar l\u00ebvizjen palestineze<\/a> appeared first on www.lexo.al<\/a>.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Nga Yezid Sayigh Kthimi i Donald Trump n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb u paraqet palestinez\u00ebve n\u00eb territoret e pushtuara perspektiva q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb aspak inkurajuese. Jeta e p\u00ebrditshme p\u00ebr palestinez\u00ebt ishte tashm\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb dhe shpesh e dhunshme edhe para sulmit t\u00eb Hamasit n\u00eb Izraelin jugor m\u00eb 7 tetor 2023. Lufta izraelite q\u00eb pasoi n\u00eb Gaza, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3268","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3268","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3268"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3268\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3268"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3268"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zennihost.com\/test\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3268"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}